Failed Terrorist State of Pakistan: Idiotic Musings

[FalconSlayers]

View: https://x.com/Miz_Ruraltarain/status/1886661517606555975

 

[Numero]

View: https://x.com/manamuntu/status/1886125961776652750

 

[eastern_bhartiya]

View: https://x.com/manamuntu/status/1886125961776652750

If this has any shred of truth, you can bet that maulana would be missing his organs in few weeks.

 

[Corvus Splendens]

View: https://www.reddit.com/r/karachi/comments/1if1v9c/only_in_karachi_an_armed_guard_protecting_a_hair/
View attachment 23860"better living standards saar"
"women are unsafe in india saar"

Waiiit is that AK chambered in 7.92 Kurz ?

 

[eastern_bhartiya]

Waiiit is that AK chambered in 7.92 Kurz ?

AK with a weirdly thick barrel ?, could be something put together by their local gunsmiths.

that aside in the thread they're saying there's armed security at dhabas too, so much for SAFE COUNTRY, UNDONKEYMATED economy for porkis.

 

[Corvus Splendens]

Waiiit is that AK chambered in 7.92 Kurz ?

My bad. It's fukin 7.92×57 Mauser.

 

[FalconSlayers]

Large swathes of Indian territory are still pre-modern and riven by religious, ethnic, and caste fault lines​

By Engineer Khurram Dastgir-Khan
December 13, 2024




Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. — AFP/File
Two billion people of South Asia keep waiting for the Godot of regional cooperation that, just as Beckett’s Godot, never quite arrives. Narendra Modi has exsanguinated the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (Saarc). It is time to jettison the anaemic Saarc and in its stead create a South Asia Peace and Prosperity Initiative (SAPPI) to strive for peace and shared prosperity through regional connectivity. It is time to move ahead on South Asian regional cooperation without India.


It is no coincidence that it was an Indian expert who proclaimed “The End of South Asia” recently in the journal Foreign Affairs. “South Asia is primarily the sum of interactions among India’s neighbors with India and India with its neighbors,” writes Happymon Jacob. “The fact of Indian centrality has meant that New Delhi does not always see the value of building regional structures, as such structures cannot add to the predominance India already enjoys in the region.” Translated into English: Modi sits atop an arrogant Hindutva that, at best, ignores its smaller neighbours and, at worst, rides roughshod over them.

To be sure, India overwhelms South Asia and goes beyond. It revels in membership concurrently of the Quad, BRICs, and SCO; hosts a G-20 summit; deepens strategic defence cooperation with the United States, which pressured Nuclear Suppliers Group to grant it exemption; ignores the US over Russia; enjoys good relations simultaneously with Arab states, and Iran; and ridicules Canada and the US over its overseas assassination programme.

Who needs South Asia when the West’s hardening stance against China has led to an ever-tighter economic and military embrace of India? Who needs the mire of South Asia when the global stepping-stone of ‘Indo-Pacific’ beckons?

Who needs South Asia indeed when: a recent prime minister of Great Britain; US Democratic Party’s 2024 presidential candidate; wife of the US vice president-elect; the nominees for FBI director and Director of US National Intelligence; and the nominee for number two at the new US Department of Government Efficiency – all are of Indian descent? And the nominee to be Donald Trump’s national security adviser is head of the US Congressional Caucus on India and Indian-Americans?

A ‘Hindutva Lobby’ has consolidated itself in the US, as detailed recently in Harper’s Magazine. It is notably a Hindu nationalist lobby, not an Indian group. “There can be little doubt that this community,” concludes Patrick Cockburn, “endowed with wealth, organization, and potent political connections, will continue to grow in influence, becoming its own political bulldozer.”

Diaspora delectations notwithstanding, our eastern neighbour is beset with glaring economic inequality, relative weakness against China, rising unemployment and crippling mass poverty, and restive farmers. As documented decisively in three recent works respectively by Rahul Bhatia, Alpa Shah, and Christopher Jaffrelot, systematic suppression of minorities, especially Muslims, and ruthless crushing of dissent by Modi have depilated the dazzle of ‘Shining India’.

Unlike China, India has failed to raise a majority of its population out of poverty. India’s infection rate during Covid-19 was one of the highest in the world, leading to as much as 4.5 million excess deaths. Poverty increased substantially during the pandemic. Large swathes of Indian territory are still pre-modern and riven by religious, ethnic, and caste fault lines as well as secession movements.

Western corporations have been looking to shift their manufacturing away from China towards India, but this manufacturing boom has yet to materialise due to crony capitalism, trade protectionism, poor coordination between federal and state governments, and doubts about the quality and integrity of economic data. “Aspiring outward, but turning inward… the current [Indian] government’s aspirations to global economic leadership”, write Subramanian and Felman, “may prove as elusive as those of its predecessors.”

India’s much-vaunted strategic autonomy is proving to be strategic timidity. Its ‘net security provider’ role within the US’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ stratagem is more theory than practice. India has cast its lot with a superpower receding in confidence and projection of power. It has so far gotten away with playing both sides in many international conflicts. Rising China will, sooner rather than later, force the US to call India’s bluff on Iran, Russia, and Taiwan.

After the 2014 Saarc Summit in Kathmandu, Modi gathered Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal to subtract Pakistan from Saarc. The effort failed. The presumptive hegemon’s regional profile has since degraded in tandem with its global rise. “What exactly causes India to collect all the flowers on the world stage,” asks Mosharraf Zaidi, “but be reduced only to the whining of its closest and most immediate smaller neighbors?” The answer: smaller South Asian nations’ resistance to Indian presumption of being the hegemon without assuming responsibility and offering support.

India’s self-proclaimed superpower status is thwarted by its lack of regional preponderance. Nepal, Sri Lanka, and most recently Maldives have made serious overtures to China. Sri Lanka became the canary in the South Asian mine. When the island nation defaulted financially as well as imploded politically, India failed to offer any meaningful support.

The egregious anti-Indian nature of Dhaka’s fall this summer constitutes an abiding nightmare for New Delhi. ‘Who lost Bangladesh?’ is a challenge to Indian foreign policy of equal import to what the US faced in answering ‘Who lost China?’ US withdrawal from Afghanistan has deprived India of influence in that country. The presumptive superpower has been exposed as merely a regional-hegemon manque – with the pretension but without the will.

Resistance to Indian prepotence is fortified by China’s increasing interest in South Asia. The first foreign visit of Nepal’s new prime minister began this week in Beijing, not New Delhi. A Chinese military delegation visited the Maldives, Sri Lanka, and Nepal earlier this year to cement defence cooperation. Bhutan and China signed a ‘cooperation agreement’ in October 2023 after talks over their disputed northern frontier. Last but not the least, China’s upper hand in military clashes with India in Ladakh four years ago and the October 2024 India-China agreement over the Depsang Plains and Demchok largely on Chinese terms have not gone unnoticed in South Asian capitals.

An India always skeptical of Saarc has abandoned leadership of South Asia. It is after a bigger game, ignoring that regional weakness will be the principal impediment in its quest for superpower status. Mosharraf Zaidi has laid out the arc of Indian skepticism, most notably C Raja Mohan’s catchy 2002 characterisation of Saarc as a “Slow Boat to Nowhere”. In a delicious irony manifested by the past decade, India has replaced Pakistan and vice versa in the same author’s 2014 advice.

Thus, with apologies to C Raja Mohan: “Pakistan can’t compel India to join the project of South Asian integration. Instead of bemoaning that fact, Islamabad must devote itself to bilateral, sub-regional and trans-regional cooperation with our neighbours, all of whom do not want India to push them around. Saarc may be headed to the mortuary. But Pakistan can easily catch a new wind in its regional sails.”

It is time for Pakistan to take the lead and bring to South Asia the Godot of substantive economic integration, India notwithstanding. As Salman Bashir and many Pakistani experts have advised, it is time for Pakistan to start pursuing a ‘neighbours-first’ foreign policy. Start walking the talk of geo-economics and make shared prosperity through financial, infrastructure, and communication connectivity the foundation of SAPPI. Invite China to be a member. This does not, however, rule out improvement eventually in Pakistan’s bilateral ties with India. After all, there is something called South Asia.


The writer has served as Pakistan’s minister for foreign affairs, defence, commerce, and energy. He tweets/posts @kdastgirkhan

South Asia without India

Two billion people of South Asia keep waiting for the Godot of regional cooperation that, just as Beckett’s Godot, never quite arrives. Narendra Modi has exsanguinated the South Asian...

www.thenews.com.pk

@Gslv Mk3

 

[eastern_bhartiya]

Large swathes of Indian territory are still pre-modern and riven by religious, ethnic, and caste fault lines​

By Engineer Khurram Dastgir-Khan
December 13, 2024


View attachment 24013

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. — AFP/File
Two billion people of South Asia keep waiting for the Godot of regional cooperation that, just as Beckett’s Godot, never quite arrives. Narendra Modi has exsanguinated the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (Saarc). It is time to jettison the anaemic Saarc and in its stead create a South Asia Peace and Prosperity Initiative (SAPPI) to strive for peace and shared prosperity through regional connectivity. It is time to move ahead on South Asian regional cooperation without India.


It is no coincidence that it was an Indian expert who proclaimed “The End of South Asia” recently in the journal Foreign Affairs. “South Asia is primarily the sum of interactions among India’s neighbors with India and India with its neighbors,” writes Happymon Jacob. “The fact of Indian centrality has meant that New Delhi does not always see the value of building regional structures, as such structures cannot add to the predominance India already enjoys in the region.” Translated into English: Modi sits atop an arrogant Hindutva that, at best, ignores its smaller neighbours and, at worst, rides roughshod over them.

To be sure, India overwhelms South Asia and goes beyond. It revels in membership concurrently of the Quad, BRICs, and SCO; hosts a G-20 summit; deepens strategic defence cooperation with the United States, which pressured Nuclear Suppliers Group to grant it exemption; ignores the US over Russia; enjoys good relations simultaneously with Arab states, and Iran; and ridicules Canada and the US over its overseas assassination programme.

Who needs South Asia when the West’s hardening stance against China has led to an ever-tighter economic and military embrace of India? Who needs the mire of South Asia when the global stepping-stone of ‘Indo-Pacific’ beckons?

Who needs South Asia indeed when: a recent prime minister of Great Britain; US Democratic Party’s 2024 presidential candidate; wife of the US vice president-elect; the nominees for FBI director and Director of US National Intelligence; and the nominee for number two at the new US Department of Government Efficiency – all are of Indian descent? And the nominee to be Donald Trump’s national security adviser is head of the US Congressional Caucus on India and Indian-Americans?

A ‘Hindutva Lobby’ has consolidated itself in the US, as detailed recently in Harper’s Magazine. It is notably a Hindu nationalist lobby, not an Indian group. “There can be little doubt that this community,” concludes Patrick Cockburn, “endowed with wealth, organization, and potent political connections, will continue to grow in influence, becoming its own political bulldozer.”

Diaspora delectations notwithstanding, our eastern neighbour is beset with glaring economic inequality, relative weakness against China, rising unemployment and crippling mass poverty, and restive farmers. As documented decisively in three recent works respectively by Rahul Bhatia, Alpa Shah, and Christopher Jaffrelot, systematic suppression of minorities, especially Muslims, and ruthless crushing of dissent by Modi have depilated the dazzle of ‘Shining India’.

Unlike China, India has failed to raise a majority of its population out of poverty. India’s infection rate during Covid-19 was one of the highest in the world, leading to as much as 4.5 million excess deaths. Poverty increased substantially during the pandemic. Large swathes of Indian territory are still pre-modern and riven by religious, ethnic, and caste fault lines as well as secession movements.

Western corporations have been looking to shift their manufacturing away from China towards India, but this manufacturing boom has yet to materialise due to crony capitalism, trade protectionism, poor coordination between federal and state governments, and doubts about the quality and integrity of economic data. “Aspiring outward, but turning inward… the current [Indian] government’s aspirations to global economic leadership”, write Subramanian and Felman, “may prove as elusive as those of its predecessors.”

India’s much-vaunted strategic autonomy is proving to be strategic timidity. Its ‘net security provider’ role within the US’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ stratagem is more theory than practice. India has cast its lot with a superpower receding in confidence and projection of power. It has so far gotten away with playing both sides in many international conflicts. Rising China will, sooner rather than later, force the US to call India’s bluff on Iran, Russia, and Taiwan.

After the 2014 Saarc Summit in Kathmandu, Modi gathered Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal to subtract Pakistan from Saarc. The effort failed. The presumptive hegemon’s regional profile has since degraded in tandem with its global rise. “What exactly causes India to collect all the flowers on the world stage,” asks Mosharraf Zaidi, “but be reduced only to the whining of its closest and most immediate smaller neighbors?” The answer: smaller South Asian nations’ resistance to Indian presumption of being the hegemon without assuming responsibility and offering support.

India’s self-proclaimed superpower status is thwarted by its lack of regional preponderance. Nepal, Sri Lanka, and most recently Maldives have made serious overtures to China. Sri Lanka became the canary in the South Asian mine. When the island nation defaulted financially as well as imploded politically, India failed to offer any meaningful support.

The egregious anti-Indian nature of Dhaka’s fall this summer constitutes an abiding nightmare for New Delhi. ‘Who lost Bangladesh?’ is a challenge to Indian foreign policy of equal import to what the US faced in answering ‘Who lost China?’ US withdrawal from Afghanistan has deprived India of influence in that country. The presumptive superpower has been exposed as merely a regional-hegemon manque – with the pretension but without the will.

Resistance to Indian prepotence is fortified by China’s increasing interest in South Asia. The first foreign visit of Nepal’s new prime minister began this week in Beijing, not New Delhi. A Chinese military delegation visited the Maldives, Sri Lanka, and Nepal earlier this year to cement defence cooperation. Bhutan and China signed a ‘cooperation agreement’ in October 2023 after talks over their disputed northern frontier. Last but not the least, China’s upper hand in military clashes with India in Ladakh four years ago and the October 2024 India-China agreement over the Depsang Plains and Demchok largely on Chinese terms have not gone unnoticed in South Asian capitals.

An India always skeptical of Saarc has abandoned leadership of South Asia. It is after a bigger game, ignoring that regional weakness will be the principal impediment in its quest for superpower status. Mosharraf Zaidi has laid out the arc of Indian skepticism, most notably C Raja Mohan’s catchy 2002 characterisation of Saarc as a “Slow Boat to Nowhere”. In a delicious irony manifested by the past decade, India has replaced Pakistan and vice versa in the same author’s 2014 advice.

Thus, with apologies to C Raja Mohan: “Pakistan can’t compel India to join the project of South Asian integration. Instead of bemoaning that fact, Islamabad must devote itself to bilateral, sub-regional and trans-regional cooperation with our neighbours, all of whom do not want India to push them around. Saarc may be headed to the mortuary. But Pakistan can easily catch a new wind in its regional sails.”

It is time for Pakistan to take the lead and bring to South Asia the Godot of substantive economic integration, India notwithstanding. As Salman Bashir and many Pakistani experts have advised, it is time for Pakistan to start pursuing a ‘neighbours-first’ foreign policy. Start walking the talk of geo-economics and make shared prosperity through financial, infrastructure, and communication connectivity the foundation of SAPPI. Invite China to be a member. This does not, however, rule out improvement eventually in Pakistan’s bilateral ties with India. After all, there is something called South Asia.


The writer has served as Pakistan’s minister for foreign affairs, defence, commerce, and energy. He tweets/posts @kdastgirkhan

South Asia without India

Two billion people of South Asia keep waiting for the Godot of regional cooperation that, just as Beckett’s Godot, never quite arrives. Narendra Modi has exsanguinated the South Asian...

www.thenews.com.pk

@Gslv Mk3

No data, no reports, no logic, only lahori chooran,

Alhamdulillah​

"It is time for Pakistan to take the lead and bring to South Asia the Godot of substantive economic integration, India notwithstanding."

 

[shade2]

Large swathes of Indian territory are still pre-modern and riven by religious, ethnic, and caste fault lines​

By Engineer Khurram Dastgir-Khan
December 13, 2024


View attachment 24013

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. — AFP/File
Two billion people of South Asia keep waiting for the Godot of regional cooperation that, just as Beckett’s Godot, never quite arrives. Narendra Modi has exsanguinated the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (Saarc). It is time to jettison the anaemic Saarc and in its stead create a South Asia Peace and Prosperity Initiative (SAPPI) to strive for peace and shared prosperity through regional connectivity. It is time to move ahead on South Asian regional cooperation without India.


It is no coincidence that it was an Indian expert who proclaimed “The End of South Asia” recently in the journal Foreign Affairs. “South Asia is primarily the sum of interactions among India’s neighbors with India and India with its neighbors,” writes Happymon Jacob. “The fact of Indian centrality has meant that New Delhi does not always see the value of building regional structures, as such structures cannot add to the predominance India already enjoys in the region.” Translated into English: Modi sits atop an arrogant Hindutva that, at best, ignores its smaller neighbours and, at worst, rides roughshod over them.

To be sure, India overwhelms South Asia and goes beyond. It revels in membership concurrently of the Quad, BRICs, and SCO; hosts a G-20 summit; deepens strategic defence cooperation with the United States, which pressured Nuclear Suppliers Group to grant it exemption; ignores the US over Russia; enjoys good relations simultaneously with Arab states, and Iran; and ridicules Canada and the US over its overseas assassination programme.

Who needs South Asia when the West’s hardening stance against China has led to an ever-tighter economic and military embrace of India? Who needs the mire of South Asia when the global stepping-stone of ‘Indo-Pacific’ beckons?

Who needs South Asia indeed when: a recent prime minister of Great Britain; US Democratic Party’s 2024 presidential candidate; wife of the US vice president-elect; the nominees for FBI director and Director of US National Intelligence; and the nominee for number two at the new US Department of Government Efficiency – all are of Indian descent? And the nominee to be Donald Trump’s national security adviser is head of the US Congressional Caucus on India and Indian-Americans?

A ‘Hindutva Lobby’ has consolidated itself in the US, as detailed recently in Harper’s Magazine. It is notably a Hindu nationalist lobby, not an Indian group. “There can be little doubt that this community,” concludes Patrick Cockburn, “endowed with wealth, organization, and potent political connections, will continue to grow in influence, becoming its own political bulldozer.”

Diaspora delectations notwithstanding, our eastern neighbour is beset with glaring economic inequality, relative weakness against China, rising unemployment and crippling mass poverty, and restive farmers. As documented decisively in three recent works respectively by Rahul Bhatia, Alpa Shah, and Christopher Jaffrelot, systematic suppression of minorities, especially Muslims, and ruthless crushing of dissent by Modi have depilated the dazzle of ‘Shining India’.

Unlike China, India has failed to raise a majority of its population out of poverty. India’s infection rate during Covid-19 was one of the highest in the world, leading to as much as 4.5 million excess deaths. Poverty increased substantially during the pandemic. Large swathes of Indian territory are still pre-modern and riven by religious, ethnic, and caste fault lines as well as secession movements.

Western corporations have been looking to shift their manufacturing away from China towards India, but this manufacturing boom has yet to materialise due to crony capitalism, trade protectionism, poor coordination between federal and state governments, and doubts about the quality and integrity of economic data. “Aspiring outward, but turning inward… the current [Indian] government’s aspirations to global economic leadership”, write Subramanian and Felman, “may prove as elusive as those of its predecessors.”

India’s much-vaunted strategic autonomy is proving to be strategic timidity. Its ‘net security provider’ role within the US’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ stratagem is more theory than practice. India has cast its lot with a superpower receding in confidence and projection of power. It has so far gotten away with playing both sides in many international conflicts. Rising China will, sooner rather than later, force the US to call India’s bluff on Iran, Russia, and Taiwan.

After the 2014 Saarc Summit in Kathmandu, Modi gathered Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal to subtract Pakistan from Saarc. The effort failed. The presumptive hegemon’s regional profile has since degraded in tandem with its global rise. “What exactly causes India to collect all the flowers on the world stage,” asks Mosharraf Zaidi, “but be reduced only to the whining of its closest and most immediate smaller neighbors?” The answer: smaller South Asian nations’ resistance to Indian presumption of being the hegemon without assuming responsibility and offering support.

India’s self-proclaimed superpower status is thwarted by its lack of regional preponderance. Nepal, Sri Lanka, and most recently Maldives have made serious overtures to China. Sri Lanka became the canary in the South Asian mine. When the island nation defaulted financially as well as imploded politically, India failed to offer any meaningful support.

The egregious anti-Indian nature of Dhaka’s fall this summer constitutes an abiding nightmare for New Delhi. ‘Who lost Bangladesh?’ is a challenge to Indian foreign policy of equal import to what the US faced in answering ‘Who lost China?’ US withdrawal from Afghanistan has deprived India of influence in that country. The presumptive superpower has been exposed as merely a regional-hegemon manque – with the pretension but without the will.

Resistance to Indian prepotence is fortified by China’s increasing interest in South Asia. The first foreign visit of Nepal’s new prime minister began this week in Beijing, not New Delhi. A Chinese military delegation visited the Maldives, Sri Lanka, and Nepal earlier this year to cement defence cooperation. Bhutan and China signed a ‘cooperation agreement’ in October 2023 after talks over their disputed northern frontier. Last but not the least, China’s upper hand in military clashes with India in Ladakh four years ago and the October 2024 India-China agreement over the Depsang Plains and Demchok largely on Chinese terms have not gone unnoticed in South Asian capitals.

An India always skeptical of Saarc has abandoned leadership of South Asia. It is after a bigger game, ignoring that regional weakness will be the principal impediment in its quest for superpower status. Mosharraf Zaidi has laid out the arc of Indian skepticism, most notably C Raja Mohan’s catchy 2002 characterisation of Saarc as a “Slow Boat to Nowhere”. In a delicious irony manifested by the past decade, India has replaced Pakistan and vice versa in the same author’s 2014 advice.

Thus, with apologies to C Raja Mohan: “Pakistan can’t compel India to join the project of South Asian integration. Instead of bemoaning that fact, Islamabad must devote itself to bilateral, sub-regional and trans-regional cooperation with our neighbours, all of whom do not want India to push them around. Saarc may be headed to the mortuary. But Pakistan can easily catch a new wind in its regional sails.”

It is time for Pakistan to take the lead and bring to South Asia the Godot of substantive economic integration, India notwithstanding. As Salman Bashir and many Pakistani experts have advised, it is time for Pakistan to start pursuing a ‘neighbours-first’ foreign policy. Start walking the talk of geo-economics and make shared prosperity through financial, infrastructure, and communication connectivity the foundation of SAPPI. Invite China to be a member. This does not, however, rule out improvement eventually in Pakistan’s bilateral ties with India. After all, there is something called South Asia.


The writer has served as Pakistan’s minister for foreign affairs, defence, commerce, and energy. He tweets/posts @kdastgirkhan

South Asia without India

Two billion people of South Asia keep waiting for the Godot of regional cooperation that, just as Beckett’s Godot, never quite arrives. Narendra Modi has exsanguinated the South Asian...

www.thenews.com.pk

@Gslv Mk3

Is this Lawhori wordceller Pakhandistan's answer to Shashi Tharoor?