Search & Revival of River Saraswati (1 Viewer)

Arts and Crafts

The Harappans were expert craftsmen. They made beads of carnelian, agate, amethyst, turquoise, lapis lazuli, etc. ; they manufactured bangles out of shells, glazed faience and terracotta ; they carved ivory and worked shells into ornaments, bowls and ladles ; they cast copper (which they mined themselves in Baluchistan and Rajasthan) and bronze for weapons, all types of tools, domestic objects and statues (such as the famous “dancing girl”) ; they also worked silver and gold with great skill, specially for ornaments. Of course, they baked pottery in large quantity — to the delight of archaeologists, since the different shapes, styles, and painted motifs are among the best guides in the evolution of any civilization (let us remember that most objects made of cloth, wood, reed, palm leaves etc., usually vanish without a trace, especially in hot climates). We also know that the Harappans excelled at stone-carving, complex weaving and carpet-making, inlaid woodwork and decorative architecture. And, of course, they engraved with remarkable artistry their famous seals, mostly in steatite (or soapstone) ; those seals, over 3,000 of which have been found, seem to have served various purposes : some commercial, to identify consignments to be shipped, and some ritual or spiritual, to invoke deities.

Dancing, painting, sculpture, and music (there is evidence of drums and of stringed instruments) were all part of their culture. Possibly drama and puppet shows too, judging from a number of masks. Statues are not abundant, but refined, whether in stone, bronze or terracotta. An ancestor of the game of chess has been unearthed at Lothal. Children too were not forgotten, judging from the exquisite care with which toys were fashioned.



A probable ancestor of the game of chess (in terracotta, from Lothal).




Trade, Shipping, Agriculture & Technology
In addition to a considerable internal trade in metals, stones and all kinds of goods, the Harappans had a flourishing overseas trade with Oman, Bahrain, and Sumer ; exchanges with the Sumerians went on for at least seven centuries, and merchant colonies were established in Bahrain and the Euphrates-Tigris valley. Of course, none of this would have been possible without high skills in ship-making and sailing, and several representations of ships have been found on seals, while many massive stone anchors have come up at Lothal and other sites of Saurashtra. For navigation, compasses carved out of conch shells appear to have been used to measure angles between stars. A voyage from Lothal to Mesopotamia to sell the prized Harappan carnelian beads, which the kings and queens of Ur were so fond of, meant at least 2,500 kilometres of seafaring ; of course there would have been halts along the shore on the way, but still, 4,500 years ago this must have ranked among the best sailing abilities.

The other, perhaps the chief mainstay of Harappan prosperity was agriculture. It was practised on a wide scale, with hundreds of rural settlements and extensive networks of canals for irrigation ; wheat, barley, rice, a number of vegetables, and cotton were some of the common crops. Mehrgarh, for instance, shows “a veritable agricultural economy solidly established as early as 6000 BC.”[10] Kalibangan even yielded a field ploughed with two perpendicular networks of furrows, in which higher crops (such as mustard) were grown in the spaced-out north-south furrows, thus casting shorter shadows, while shorter crops (such as gram) filled the contiguous east-west furrows. As B. B. Lal has shown, this is a technique still used today in the same region.

Any society capable of town-planning, shipping, refined arts and crafts, writing, sustained trading, necessarily has to master a good deal of technology. This was also the case here. Craftsmen often used standardized tools and techniques, especially for the more complex productions. A highly standardized system of stone weights, unique in the ancient world, was found not only throughout the Harappan settlements, but also two thousand years later in the first kingdoms of the Ganga plains. (The weights were mostly cubes, but sometimes also truncated spheres.) The first seven weights in the system followed a geometrical progression, with ratios of 1 : 2 : 4 : 8 : 16 (by which time the weight had reached 13.7g) : 32 : 64, after which the increments switched to a decimal system and went 160, 200, 320, 640, 1600, 3200, 6400, 8000 and 12,800. The largest weight found in Mohenjo-daro is 10,865 grams. Now, if you divide its corresponding ratio of 12,800 by the ratio 16, you get 800 ; multiply this figure by the weight of 13.7 g found for the 16th ratio, and you get a theoretical weight of 10,960g — a difference of only 95g with the actual weight, or less than 0.9% ! I don’t think the weights used today in our markets reach such precision, not to speak of those traders who get their weights tailor-made !

In fact, the Harappans very much seem to be the inventors of the first decimal system for measurement. Their town-planning, which makes much use of geometry, partly relied on this decimal system. Let me quote from S. R. Rao, an Indian archaeologist famous for his excavations at Lothal and his undersea discoveries at Dwaraka and Poompuhar ; he comments here on an ivory scale found at Lothal, engraved with nearly thirty divisions regularly spaced every 1.704 mm :

It is the smallest division ever recorded on a scale of the Bronze Age. The width of the wall of the Lothal dock is 1.78 m [i.e. 1,000 such divisions ... and] the length of the east-west wall of the dock is twenty times its width. Obviously the Harappan engineers followed the decimal division of measurement for all practical purposes...[11]
I should point out that apart from the continuance of the Indus weight system or agricultural methods into the historic period, archaeologists have often highlighted how traditional craftsmen today in Sindh, Punjab, Rajasthan or Gujarat still use techniques — in bead-making or shell-working, for instance — very similar to those evolved in Harappan times more than 4,500 years ago. Even some buildings techniques are still in use, as B. B. Lal has pointed out.



But however impressive those technological achievements may be (and there are many others), we should remember that they were not separate activities, but always blended with the cultural life of the Harappan world. As Kenoyer remarks,

Symbols of Indus religion and culture were incorporated into pottery, ornaments and everyday tools in a way that helped to unite people within the urban centers and link them with distant rural communities.[12]

Government and Social Evolution
What we have seen so far, and very briefly, is only the most visible features of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization. The internal and external mechanics of such a society are infinitely complex, and will no doubt keep archaeologists racking their brains for some more time. For example, while a few of them see the Harappan political organization as an empire, with Mohenjo-daro as the seat of the emperor and a number of “governors” in the regional capitals, others are in favour of regional states, in view of the difficulty posed by a single central authority over such vast distances without our modern communications. Those regional states would have had identities of their own (as evidenced from regional variations in arts and crafts), but they would all have been united by a common culture, and also by a common language (regardless of possible regional dialects). B. B. Lal, for instance, brings a parallel between the Harappan society and the Sixteen States or Mahajanapadas of later Buddhist times. This hypothesis is strengthened by the lack of any glorification or even representation of rulers on the seals ; even the few sculptures of human figures found at Mohenjo-daro cannot be said to represent rulers with any great certainty.

Whatever the truth may be, a few clear points stand out and meet with general agreement :

First, a remarkable civic organization, which allowed streets in big cities to be free from any encroachment for centuries together (can our present Indian cities claim the same for just a few weeks ?). And let us remember that Mohenjo-daro is thought to have sheltered at least 50,000 inhabitants — almost a megalopolis for those times.
Secondly, a complete absence of any evidence of armies or warfare or slaughter or man-made destruction in any settlement and at any point of time, even as regards the early phase. Not a single seal depicts a battle or a captive or a victor. True, there were fortifications and weapons (the latter rather few), but those were probably to guard against local tribes or marauders rather than against people from other cities and villages. Fortifications were also often protections against floods, and weapons must have been used mostly for hunting. So far as the archaeological record shows, major disruptions in the cities’ life were caused by natural calamities. In no other ancient civilization is warfare so absent, and over such a long period of time ; by contrast, other civilizations of the time consistently recorded and glorified war feats. And our own modern “civilization,” I need not remind you, is the bloodiest ever : a few days ago, a United Nations report lamented the existence of more than 500 million small arms in circulation — that means one gun or semi-automatic weapon for every ten of us....

Thirdly, archaeologists now agree that the origins of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization are to be found on the subcontinent itself. It no doubt had extensive cultural and commercial contacts with other civilizations, but its identity was distinct. In the words of Jim G. Shaffer, a U.S. archaeologist who has worked on many Indus sites :

It is time to view the archaeological data for what it is, and not what one thinks it is. Recent studies are just beginning to indicate the real importance of Harappan studies, showing that in South Asia, a unique experiment in the development of urban, literate culture, was under way. Such a culture was highly attuned to local conditions and not a mirror of Mesopotamia’s urban experiment....[13]
The Indus-Sarasvati civilization thus represented a long indigenous evolution, spanning almost 6,000 years, and with no visible break or disruption from outside. By any standard, this is a unique achievement in human history.

But let us not forget that no society can survive long without a culture to cement its members together and make their lives meaningful. The very fact that the Indus-Valley civilization was able to hold together for three millennia (if we include its early phase), over an immense stretch of land, and with all the signs of social harmony and stability, shows that it must have had a deep and strong culture as its foundation. Let us now try to catch a glimpse of it.

The Aryan Problem
The relationship of the Indus-Saraswati civilization with the later Indian civilization remains a subject of debate. Most of you probably learned at school that the Harappan towns were destroyed by semi-barbarian Aryans rushing down from Central Asia on their horse chariots, and that the survivors among their inhabitants, assumed to have been Dravidians, were driven to South India by the invaders. Passages from the Rig-Veda were twisted and sometimes mistranslated to show a record of such a physical and cultural clash. In many respects, this is still the “official” theory, although, since the 1960s, when the U.S. archaeologist G. F. Dales demolished all supposed evidence of such attacks and slaughter, the theory has limited itself to saying that the supposed Aryans, or Indo-Aryans or Indo-Europeans, to use the present terminology, entered North India after the collapse of the Harappan civilization.

But you may be surprised to learn that most archaeologists now reject this invasion or migration theory, as they cannot find the slightest trace of it on the ground, and it is unthinkable that the supposed Aryans could have conquered most of India and imposed on it their Vedic culture without leaving any physical evidence of any sort. Even respected archaeologists of the old school of thought, such as Raymond and Bridget Allchin, now admit that the arrival of Indo-Aryans in Northwest India is “scarcely attested in the archaeological record, presumably because their material culture and life-style were already virtually indistinguishable from those of the existing population.”[14] We are very far from the bloody invasion and cultural war envisaged by Max Müller and other nineteenth-century scholars.

But even this tempered view is no longer acceptable to the “new school,” whose foundation can be said to have been laid in 1984 by Jim Shaffer. He wrote :

Current archaeological data do not support the existence of an Indo-Aryan or European invasion into South Asia any time in the pre- or protohistoric periods. Instead, it is possible to document archaeologically a series of cultural changes reflecting indigenous cultural developments from prehistoric to historic periods.[15]
Kenoyer, whom I quoted earlier, concludes in his recent beautiful book :

Many scholars have tried to correct this absurd theory [of an Aryan invasion], by pointing out misinterpreted basic facts, inappropriate models and an uncritical reading of Vedic texts. However, until recently, these scientific and well-reasoned arguments were unsuccessful in rooting out the misinterpretations entrenched in the popular literature.
[...] But there is no archaeological or biological evidence for invasions or mass migrations into the Indus Valley between the end of the Harappan Phase, about 1900 BC and the beginning of the Early Historic period around 600 BC.[16]

I could quote similar opinions from many respected Indian archaeologists such as B. B. Lal, S. R. Rao, S. P. Gupta, Dilip K. Chakrabarty, K. M. Srivastava, M. K. Dhavalikar, R. S. Bisht and others. The point is that the theory of an Aryan invasion or even migration into India finds no evidence on the ground and has no scientific basis whatsoever.

The biological evidence Kenoyer refers to relies on the detailed examination of skeletons found in Harappan settlements. Kenneth A. R. Kennedy, a U.S. expert who has extensively studied such skeletal remains, observes :

Biological anthropologists remain unable to lend support to any of the theories concerning an Aryan biological or demographic entity [...]. What the biological data demonstrate is that no exotic races are apparent from laboratory studies of human remains excavated from any archaeological sites [...]. All prehistoric human remains recovered thus far from the Indian subcontinent are phenotypically identifiable as ancient South Asians. [...] In short, there is no evidence of demographic disruptions in the north-western sector of the subcontinent during and immediately after the decline of the Harappan culture.[17]
I hope you understand the implication : No invasion or migration caused or followed the collapse of the urban phase of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization around 1900 BC. What is still taught in our textbooks about so-called Aryans is no more than imagination. The Harappans were just Northwestern Indians of the time and continued to live there even after the end of the urban phase (with some of them migrating towards the Ganga plains in search of greener pastures). In fact, archaeologists and anthropologists now reject the old notion of race altogether. To quote from Possehl’s recent book which I mentioned earlier :

Race as it was used in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has been totally discredited as a useful concept in human biology. [...] There is no reason to believe today that there ever was an Aryan race that spoke Indo-European languages and was possessed with a coherent and well-defined set of Aryan or Indo-European cultural features.[18]
four_seals.jpg
In simple terms, this means that, for science, there is no such thing as an Aryan race, or a Dravidian race for that matter. Nor is there for Indian tradition, in which the word “Arya” never meant a race, but a quality of true nobility, culture and refinement. And so, if no Aryan people invaded or entered into India, it stands to reason that the Vedic culture was also native to the subcontinent, and not an import. In fact, quite a few scholars and archaeologists today see a number of clear Vedic traits in the Harappan culture. To cite a few : the presence of fire-altars, an essential element of Vedic rituals ; the symbol of a bull engraved on hundreds of seals, a Vedic symbol par excellence ; the cult of a mother-goddess, of a Shiva-like deity, the depiction of yogic postures, and of yogis or sages (judging from his deeply contemplative appearance, the so-called “priest-king” was more likely a yogi or a rishi than a priest). The famous Unicorn and the three-headed creature, both depicted on many Indus seals, are mentioned in the Mahabharata as aspects of Krishna, as N. Jha, an Indian epigraphist, has shown. Indeed, quite a few symbols used in later Indian culture, such as the trishul or the swastika, the pipal tree or the endless-knot design, are found in the Indus-Saraswati cities. Even its town-planning with three main distinct areas is consistent with Rig-Vedic descriptions, as the Indian archaeologist R. S. Bisht has argued.[19] So are trade and shipping, also extensively mentioned in the Rig-Veda.

(Clockwise from top left :) A terracotta figurine from Harappa, in a yoga posture;
seals depicting a Shiva-like deity, a unicorn, and a bull.


Moreover, let us remember the hundreds of settlements along the Sarasvati, a river praised in the Rig-Veda, which confirms again the identification between Harappans and Vedic people.

The decipherment of the Indus script would of course be the ultimate test. I will just mention here that while attempts to read some proto-Dravidian language into it have failed and are now abandoned, there has been progress among those who see the language thus written to be related to Sanskrit. N. Jha’s decipherment, proposed recently, appears to be the most promising, simple and consistent, and once a major study of it is published shortly,[20] we can expect a lively debate among scholars to decide its value.

I am not touching here on a number of related issues, such as the linguistic problem posed by a deep similarity between Sanskrit and most European languages, since the verdict of archaeological evidence is, to my mind, quite sufficient. Let me recommend to those interested a brilliant study by a young Belgian scholar and expert on India, Koenraad Elst, just published in India under the title Update on the Aryan Invasion Debate. In it, he discusses most of those issues threadbare and shows in particular that this linguistic affinity can very well be explained without any sort of Aryan invasion.

One more remark before I conclude : Archaeological evidence in no way contradicts Indian tradition, rather it broadly agrees with it (except for its chronology). Whether from North or South India, tradition never mentioned anything remotely resembling an Aryan invasion into India. Sanskrit scriptures make it clear that they regard the Vedic homeland to be the Saptasindhu, which is precisely the core of the Harappan territory. As for the Sangam tradition, it is equally silent about any northern origin of the Tamil people ; its only reference is to a now submerged island to the south of India, Kumari Kandam, and initial findings at Poompuhar show that, without our having to accept this legend literally, we may indeed find a few submerged cities along Tamil Nadu’s coast ; only more systematic explorations, especially at Poompuhar and Kanyakumari, where fishermen have long reported submerged structures, can throw more light on this tradition.

Not only Indian tradition, but a number of Indians with a far better understanding of Vedic texts than that of Western scholars, for example Swami Vivekananda, Swami Dayananda Saraswati, Sri Aurobindo, B. R. Ambedkar and many others, have vigorously dismissed the Aryan invasion as a groundless conjecture intended to divide Indians for colonial motives. They have correctly argued that the Indian people have no memory or record of any such outside origin, and archaeology is now increasingly confirming their insights.

Conclusion
I will end where I began. Would it be “chauvinistic” (to use a word our modern Indian intellectuals are so fond of) to attribute the greatness of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization to the Indian genius ? I do not think so. Apart from its striking cultural continuity with subsequent developments of Indian civilization, which makes up a total thread of 9,000 years, it exhibits traits typical of the Indian temperament : a bold enterprising spirit, a remarkable adaptability to changing conditions, a cultural and spiritual content in the smallest everyday activities, and, most importantly, a capacity for a broader view, without which this huge area could not have had such a cultural homogeneity free from major conflicts. Even its remarkable civic sense, so lacking in today’s India, is yet part of the Indian character ; I have observed that Indians are quite capable of it, but contrary to well-disciplined Western peoples (the British or the Germans, for instance), Indians will accept collective discipline only once their hearts have been conquered ; mere authority and rules cannot get it out of them.

All said and done, the people of the Indian subcontinent can justifiably claim this ancient civilization as a central and inspiring part of their heritage. But they should not forget to learn from it the great lesson of the cycles of birth, life, decay, and rebirth of Indian civilization, a lesson we need to keep in our minds especially at the present moment.
 
During UPA tenure saraswati project was a hush hush program in asi commie historian hated even the mention of saraswati river romila thapar projected it as nala here is what we had to go through


Sarasvati project is on, under a new name​

The Archaeological Survey of India has quietly continued with its search for the mythical river Sarasvati despite disapproval from the UPA govt.

NEW DELHI: The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) has quietly continued with its controversial search for the mythical river Sarasvati despite strong disapproval from the UPA government.


Though the project has been officially denied funding, parts of it have been relabelled the Ghaggar project to continue with the research.


The Ghaggar is an “intermittent river” that flows westwards during the monsoons from Himachal Pradesh towards Rajasthan.


The Sarasvati heritage project was launched in 2003-04 by Jagmohan, culture and tourism minister in the BJP-led NDA government, to prove that the Sarasvati mentioned in the Rig Veda was the same as the lost river connected to the Harappan civilisation.


The project had strong support from the Sangh Parivar and Hindu historians for obvious reasons. Left and non-Sangh Parivar historians do not deny the existence of a dried up river near old Harappan sites, but say that it would be a stretch to connect this river to the mythical Sarasvati. Not unlike the Adam’s Bridge-Ram Setu controversy, this is another project where faith muddies the waters of research.


In November 2003, Parliament’s standing committee on tourism, culture and transport, which had begun an inquiry into ASI’s functioning, sought details on the project. With a change in government at the centre in May 2004, funds were withdrawn and the project was officially abandoned.

But the ASI funded the project from its own resources. “We wanted to bring the search to a logical conclusion,” RS Bisht, former joint director, ASI, who coordinated the project during the NDA regime, told DNA.
 
ASI camouflaged the search for Sarasvati to make it palatable to the new political dispensation

"The underlying historical assumption made by a section of ASI officials is that the mythical Sarasvati and the real Ghaggar are one and the same. No scientific evidence to prove this has ever been found," says Dr RS Fonia, director, exploration and excavation, ASI.

The ASI admitted before a standing committee of the Parliament that "no academic body or university has recommended the project." The Parliamentary standing committee asked the ASI not to pursue such projects, yet excavations continue
 
Bogus lecture by Irfan Habib at the Kolkata Indan History Congress meet was demolished by Prof. Shivaji Singh, President, Akhila Bharatiya Itihasa Sankalana Yojana (of which Sarasvati Reseach is a part) -- on Nov. 17, 2006 at Kurukshetra adhives'an. Here are the links


It is my saubhgyam, my good fortune, to be in your company here today on this momentous occasion of the seventh annual conference of the Akhila Bhrat…ya Itihsa Saˆkalana Yojan. Yes, indeed, it is an exceptionally momentous occasion on several counts:



First and foremost, it is being held at Kuruksetra, the land which ®rimadbhagavadg…t, in its very first loka, glorifies as the (not a) ‘Dharmakshetra’, ‘the place of Dharma’, and which the ¬igveda (hereafter Rv, 3.23.4; 3.53.11) designates as ‘vara prithivyƒ’, ‘the choicest spot on earth’. The Mahbhrata (3.83.4) goes a step further and puts it at par with heaven itself: DakshiŠena Sarasvaty DishadvatyuttareŠa cha; Ye vasanti Kurukshetre te vasanti trivish˜aye.



Then, it was here in Kurukshetra’s sacred lake ®aryaŠvn where, according to the ¬igveda (1.84.13-14), the bones of Dadhyañch štharvaŠa (Dadh…cha) were found with which the thunderbolt for slaying ninetynine Vitras was fashioned. It appears that the valorous event is going to repeat itself. For, the deliberations to be held here shall result, I am confident, into establishment of a genuine paradigm of Indian history that would bring to an end all the various invasionist models of history propounded and perpetuated by anti-Indian and anti-national mindsets during the last two hundred years.



Next, as our history has it, the entire Bhratavarsha is in a sense extension of the Dharmakshetratva of Kurukshetra. For, the value system of our culture, which is still vibrant, was initially formulated here, and it was from here that it defused to various parts of our country and abroad.



Furthermore, and it actually provides the basic reason, raison d’etre of all other reasons, it was through this holy land of Kurus that in hoary antiquity the River Sarasvat… flowed on to other parts of our country right up to the Gulf of Kachchha. It was the mightiest river of its time, praised by people as ‘the best among mothers, the best among rivers and the best among goddesses (ambitame nad…tame devitame Sarsvati, Rv, 2.41.16).



This occasion is momentous also because we are meeting here when our dearest and the holiest mother Sarasvat… has reappeared once again to supply us her nourishing and wisdom-generating waters. In fact, the Sarasvat…’s reappearance is an epochal event of immense national importance. The river was, and still is despite going dry, the lifeline of our great civilization. On its banks lived our enlightened ancestors who developed a unique worldview, blending materialism with spirituality, that helped survive Bhrat…ya culture against all odds during its long existence of over seven millennia.


Significantly, this is the Seventh Annual Conference of the Yojan and the figure ‘seven’ is one of the occult Vedic numbers specially associated with Sarasvat…. As we know, the ¬igveda designates Sarasvat… as ‘saptasvas’ (Rv, 6.61.10), ‘having seven sisters’, ‘saptadhtuƒ’ (Rv, 6.61.12), ‘having seven elements’, and ‘saptath…’ (Rv, 7.36.6), ‘the seventh’.​

It would be appropriate, I think, to start our talk with the Rigvedic River Sarasvat… itself and see how its rediscovery has cleared off the fog of confusion and misinformation created about it by certain colonial-missionary and pseudo-secularist historians.

River Sarasvat… as depicted in the ¬igveda

Let us briefly present the description of the River Sarasvat… as found in the ¬igveda. In the Rigvedic times, it was a mighty river flowing from the mountains to the sea (giribhyaƒ samudrt, Rv, 7.95.2). The abundance and tremendous force of its waters had an enchanting impact on the minds of the poets who repeatedly described it as:
  • abounding in waters’ (maho-arŠaƒ, Rv, 1.3.12),
  • flowing rapidly’ (pra-sasre, Rv, 7.95.1; according to SyaŠa, pradhvati …ghram gachchhati),
  • moving faultlessly’ (akavr…, Rv, 7.96.3; SyaŠa’s rendering: akutsitagaman),
  • possessing unlimited strength’ (yasyƒ amaƒ ananto, Rv, 6.61.8; in the words of SyaŠa, yasyaƒ balam aparyanto-aparimitaƒ),
  • the most impetuous of all other streams’ (apasm-apastam, Rv. 6.61.13; SyaŠa renders this epithet as vegavat…nm nadinm madhye vegavattam),
  • roaring’ (charati roruvat, Rv, 6.61.8; bhiam abdam kurvan vartate, according to SyaŠa), and even as
  • fierce’ (ghor, Rv, 6.61.7; SyaŠa’s interpretation: atr™Šm bhayakriŠ…).

The material and spiritual benefits the River Sarasvat… brought to the people is reflected in several epithets attributed to her as, for example:
  • rich in grains’ (vjin…vat…, Rv, 7.96.3; SyaŠa renders the term as annavat…),
  • giver of a lot of wealth’ (bh™reƒ ryaƒ chetant…, Rv, 7.95.2; bahulasya dhanni prayachchhant…, according to SyaŠa),
  • strong in wealth and power’ (vjeshu vjini, Rv, 6.61.6)
  • having golden path’ (hiraŠyavartaniƒ, Rv, 6.61.7),
  • promoter of the welfare of the five peoples’ (pañchajt vardhayant…, Rv, 6.61.12),
  • the dearest among the dear ones’ (priy priysu, Rv, 6.61.10),
  • marked out for majesty among the mighty ones’ (mahimn mahin, Rv, 6.61.13),
  • the purest of all rivers’ (nad…nm uchiryat…, Rv, 7.95.2),
  • purifier’ (pvak, Rv, 1.3.10; odhayitr…, as explained by SyaŠa),
  • auspicious’ (bhdr, Rv, 7.96.3),
  • inspirer of those who delight in truth’ (sunitnm chodayitr…, Rv, 1.3.11),
  • the instructor of the right minded’ (sumat…nm chetant…, Rv, 1.3.11), etc.
The ¬igveda provides us also an idea of the kind of people (good as well as bad in the eyes of the ¬ishis) settled in the Sarasvat… valley and the neighbouring regions as, for instance:

· P™rus, who, according to the text, dwelt ‘in fullness of their strength’, on both the grassy banks of Sarasvat… (Rv, 7.96.2),

  • Bharatas, whose king Vadhryava is said to have begotten Divodsa by Sarasvat…’s Grace (Rv, 6.61.1), and whose princes are found performing yajñas on the banks of Sarasvat…, Dishadvat… and špay (Rv, 3.23.4),
  • Pañcha-janƒ (the Five Peoples), that is, Anus, Druhyus, Yadus, Turvaas and P™rus, whose welfare the Sarasvat… had increased (Rv, 6.61.12),
  • Nhushas, descendents of Nahusha, on whom the Sarasvat… had poured her benefits (Rv, 7.95.2),
  • PaŠis, the ‘churlish niggard, thinking only of themselves’ whom the Sarasvat… consumed (Rv, 6.61.1),
  • Prvatas, who were destroyed by the Sarasvat… (Rv, 6.61.2), and
  • Bisayas, whom the Sarasvat… rooted out (Rv, 6.61.3).
Thus, we have a realistic picture in the
¬igveda
of a mighty and highly glorified river named Sarasvat… descending from the Hamlayas, flowing from Kurukhetra to Kachchha, and emptying into the sea there, with names of the people living on its banks and in its valley. The fact that the river was later lost in the sands of the desert at a place called Vi-naana (literally ‘disappearance’) is also attested to by the literature (
Pañchvima BrhmaŠa
, 25.10.6;
Jaimin…ya Upanishad BrhmaŠa
, 4.26; etc.). There is absolutely no ambiguity in descriptions, no room for any controversy, yet an effort was made to hijack the river out of India.

Efforts to hijack the Sarasvat… that failed

In order to force fit the literary descriptions of River Sarasvat… in the so-called Aryan invasion model, certain scholars have gone to the extent of locating it in Afghanistan. The sixth maŠala of the ¬igveda is admittedly the earliest maŠala of the text. Taking advantage of this fact, Alfred Hillebrandt, a Professor of Sanskrit in eighteen eighties at the University of Breslau, Germany, who later held the position of Vice-Chancellor of that university twice, distinguished two Rigvedic Sarasvat…s, western and eastern. According to him, the scene of action in the sixth maŠala of the ¬igveda is the Arachosia region in Afghanistan and the Sarasvat… depicted in that maŠala is river Arghandab flowing there (Hillebrandt 1891/1999:2.209-12). It was, this western Sarasvat…, the Arghandab, in his opinion, that had blessed Vadhryava with a son named Divodsa. He locates the PaŠis, Prvatas and Bisayas, mentioned in the sixth maŠala, in and around Arachosia identifying them with Parnians of Strabo, Paroyetai of Ptolemy, and Barsaentes of Arrian respectively. However, as it was next to impossible for him to locate the Bharata princes performing yajñas on the banks of Sarasvat…, Dishadvat… and špay, associated together, he admitted that the Sarasvat… of the seventh and all other maŠalas of the ¬igveda, except the sixth, was the eastern Sarasvat… that flowed through Kuruksetra.
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Alfred Hillebrandt may be overlooked for he was writing all this over a century ago when Aryan Invasion Theory was accepted as a Gospel Truth and when Sarasvat… had not been rediscovered. On the same grounds, similar other speculations like that of Brunnhofer who identified Sarasvat… with Oxus or, for that matter, those of Roth and Zimmer who thought that Sarasvat… could be Indus and no other river, may be disregarded. These speculations were never taken seriously, and Macdonnel and Keith, the authors of the Vedic Index, had rejected them as early as 1912. Even before them, Max Muller, who was no friend of Indian nationalists, maintained that though lost in the desert, the modern Sarasut… was in the Vedic period a large river which reached the sea either independently or after joining the Indus. In view of such a background, it certainly surprises one to find that scholars like Irfan Habib and R. S. Sharma still argue that Sarasvat… of the earlier portions of the ¬igveda existed in Afghanistan, not in India!

In their paper entitled ‘The Historical Geography of India 1800-800 B.C.’, presented to the 52nd Session of Indian History Congress held in 1992, Irfan Habib and Faiz Habib opine that the name Sarasvat… in the ¬igveda stands for three different rivers. They designate them as Sarasvati-1, Sarasvati-2, and Sarasvati-3. According to the Habibs, Sarasvati-1 is the Avestan Harakhvaiti or Harahvaiti, ‘the river which gave its name to the 10th land created by Ahur Mazda’, the region later known to the Achaemenians as Harakhuvatish and to the Greeks as Arachosia. The Habibs recognize Sarasvati-2 as the Indus itself and assign all descriptions of a mighty Sarasvat… in the text to this river. Sarasvati-3, according to them, is the Sarasvati of the 75th hymn of the tenth book of the ¬igveda (the famous Nad… S™kta) in which ‘Sarasvati appears among the tributaries of the Sindhu’. It is Sarasvati-3, they conclude, which is ‘also the sacred Sarasvati of the later Vedic and post-Vedic literature’ and which is shown as Sarasvati-Ghaggar-Hakra in the Survey of India maps.

Thus, Irfan Habib and Faiz Habib revive more than a century old discarded theories of Hillebrandt, Roth and Zimmer at a stretch. However, unlike Hillebrandt, who identified Sarasvat… with Arghandab, the Habibs equate it with the Helmand ‘above its junction with Arghandab’ because the latter has ‘much smaller volume of water’ to match with Sarasvat… when referred together with big rivers like Sarayu and Sindhu as in ¬igveda, 10.64.9. However, the equation of Sarasvat… with Helmand is simply out of question. As I have already discussed elsewhere (Singh 1997-98:140), Helmand is Avestan Haetumant, the river that gave its name to the 11th land created by Ahur Mazda (Vendidad, 1.14). Had the Avestan Haetumant been known to the ¬igveda, it must have been known as ‘Setumant’, not as ‘Sarasvat…’.

In fact, the Habibs have done away with this problem just in three paragraphs, covering less than a page of their paper. They have not even referred to the objections, not to speak of countering them, that had led to the rejection of the theories propounded long ago by Hillebrandt, Roth and Zimmer, which they seek to revive. Such is the casual manner of their hypothesizing three Sarasvat…s. Nevertheless, a senior leftist intellectual like R. S. Sharma, takes this placing of the so-called ‘earliest’ Sarasvat… in Afghanistan as a proven fact. On page 35 of his book Advent of the Aryans in India, published in 1999, he states: “The earliest Sarasvati is considered identical with the Helmand in Afghanistan which is called Harakhvaiti in the Avesta” Need we remind him that Helmand is called Haetumant, not Harakhvaiti in the Avesta?

No more speculation: River Sarasvat… is now there before our eyes

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Thanks to the cumulative efforts of hydrologists, geologists, field archaeologists and space scientists, the entire course of Rigvedic Sarasvat… marked by dry beds of its old channels from Adi Badri in Haryana to the Rann of Kachchha in Gujarat has now been clearly charted out. The story of the river’s rediscovery goes back to the year 1844 when Major F. Makenson, while surveying the area from Delhi to Sindh for a safe route, came across a dry riverbed that was wide enough, as he said, for construction of an eight-way lane. A quarter of a century later, in 1869, archaeologist Alex Rogue was baffled to find Himalyan alluvial deposits in the Gulf of Khambat since the rivers Sabarmati, Narmda, etc., falling in the gulf could not have accumulated them as they were not Himalayan in their origin. He, therefore, felt that these deposits must have been brought there by the river Sarasvat… before its drying up. Another quarter of a century had not elapsed when in 1893 C. F. Oldham of the Geological Survey of India affirmed that the dry riverbed skirting the Rajasthan desert was definitely that of the Vedic Sarasvat….

These early glimpses of Sarasvat… had alerted the archaeologists who started recognizing and reporting the presence of dry beds of the river from various segments of its possible course in Rajasthan and western India. Significantly, at several places Late Harappan settlements were found on the dry bed itself indicating thereby that the river must have dried up much before the time of those early settlers. Then, a major step forward in Sarasvat…’s search was taken in nineteen seventies-eighties when Landsat imageries provided by NASA (National Aeronautics and Space Administration) and Indian satellites enabled scientists like Yashpal and Baldev Sahai to chart palaeo-chanells of Ghaggar-Hakra and its tributaries that fitted perfectly with the Rigvedic descriptions of Sarasvat…. As critically brought out in a paper (Yashpal et al. 1984), several points were quite clear by that time. First, the river had ‘a constant width of about 6 to 8 km from Shatrana in Punjab to Marot in Pakistan’. Second, a tributary (Channel Y1) joined it southeast of Markanda. Third, another tributary (Channel Y2) that corresponds with present Chautang (ancient Drishadvat…) joined it near Suratgarh. Fourth, it flowed into the Ran of Kachchha without joining the Indus. Fifth, Sutlej was its main tributary, which later shifted westward, probably due to tectonic activity. Sixth, Yamuna changed its course at least thrice before joining the Ga‰g. In 1985, V. S. Wakankar set out with his team of scientists on his month-long Sarasvat… Expedition. The expedition was extremely fruitful. It brought to light several significant facts about ancient settlements on the river and physically confirmed, on ground, the realities which the space scientists were pointing to by analyses of Landsat imageries.
During the last two decades that have passed since then, researches on Sarasvat… have vigorously continued throwing much fresh light on the river and its history. In a well-researched and thoroughly documented paper, geologists V. M. K. Puri and B. C. Verma (1998) have shown that Vedic Sarasvat… originated from a group of glaciers in Tons fifth order basin at Naitwar in Garhwal Himalaya. The river flowed for some distance in the mountains and receiving nourishment from Algar, Yamuna and Giri ‘followed a westerly and southwesterly course along Bata valley and entered plains at Adi Badri’. This proves that the Rigvedic description of the Sarasvat… as ‘flowing from the mountains’ was a ground reality, not a figment of poetical imagination. In that very paper, Puri and Verma have discussed at length the various developments responsible for the river’s desiccation. According to them, reactivation of Yamun tear, constriction of Vedic Sarasvat…’s catchment area by 94.05%, emergence and migration of river Dishadvattowards southeast acquiring the present day Yamun course and finally shifting of ®utudr… (Sutlej) forced the Vedic Sarasvat… ‘to change drastically from the grandeur of a mighty and a very large river to a mere seasonal stream’ (Puri and Verma 1998:19).
 
We now know also when the Sarasvat… dried up, thanks to the cumulative efforts of scholars like B. B. Lal, Robert Raikes and others. B. B. Lal’s excavations at Kalibangan, the famous Harappan site situated on the left bank of Sarasvat… in Rajasthan, revealed that its occupants had suddenly abandoned the settlement ‘even though it was still in a Mature stage and not decaying’. After a thorough study of available evidence, Raikes concluded that it was abandoned because of scarcity of water in the river (Raikes 1968). The radiocarbon dates placed this abandonment in around 2000 BCE (Lal 1997:245-46). Thus, it became clear that Sarasvat… had almost completely dried up by that time. This is an extremely significant information for the chronology of the ¬igveda. Since the ¬igveda was composed when the Sarasvat… was flowing in its full majesty, it cannot be assigned to a period later than 2000 BCE.

Many more scholars have contributed to Sarasvat… studies. The list is long but we may mention a few names. K. S. Valdiya, Fellow of the Jawaharlal Nehru Institute of Advanced Studies and Research, Jakkur, Bangalore, has come out with his book The River That Disappeared, published by the Universities Press in 2002. It is a valuable source of information on physical presence of Sarasvat… on ground. The life history of this ‘mighty, snow-fed river that flowed from the foothills of the Himalyas to the shores of the Arabian Sea’ has been discussed within the framework of geological parameters and the inferences rigorously evaluated on the anvil of geodynamics. Significant are also the contributions of S. M. Rao, a nuclear scientist at Bhabha Atomic Research Centre. He was examining samples of water collected from deep wells in Pokharan area of Rajasthan to check whether any radioactive elements were present therein due to nuclear tests. To his great and pleasant surprise, he found that the samples were of Himalayan glacial water 8000 to 14000 years old. This brought to his mind the Vedic Sarasvat… and he carried on further investigations on this topic. Later on, he came up with the results of his investigations in a paper entitled ‘Use of isotopes in search of Last River’ that appeared in the Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry, in 2003. In this paper he has shown that ‘the fresh groundwater in that region was indeed ancient and slowly moving southwest and probably had headwater connection in the lower ranges of Himalayas, but not to any glacier.’ It was also noticed that ‘the isotope data (2H, 18O, 3H and 14C) compared well with the data in a similar study on another branch of the buried channel in the Cholistan part of the Thar Desert in Pakistan’. Worth noting is also an authoritative anthology entitled Vedic Sarasvati: Evolutionary History of a Lost River in Northwest India edited by B. P. Radhakrishna and S. S. Merh that contains several important papers of scholars like Baldev Sahai, A. S. Rajawat and others. However, the most copious and covering almost all aspects of Sarasvat… studies are, to my knowledge, the contributions of S. Kalyanaraman, Director, Sarasvat… Nad… ®odha Prakalpa, Chennai. Kalyanaraman has devoted his life to Sarasvat… studies. In fact, his love and devotion for Sarasvat… civilization is so compelling that he took voluntary retirement from his lucrative post of a Senior Executive of the Asian Development Bank, Manila, Philippines, so that he could single-mindedly work on the civilization as a full-time researcher. He has contributed a large number of research papers and published several books including the encyclopaedic Sarasvat… in seven volumes. Besides establishing the reality of Sarasvat…’s existence his researches have opened up several new dimensions in the field of Sarasvat… studies.


In view of the enormous literary, archaeological and scientific data and evidence, referred to above, it is clear that there is only one Rigvedic Sarasvat…, not two or three as imagined by some, and that the river survives as the Ghaggar-Hakra-Sarasvati of the Survey of India maps. Though dried up today, it was the mightiest river of South Asia in its time. Only those who have blindfolded themselves under a spell of bigotry can deny this fact.

Where lived Suds, the hero of the Battle of Ten Kings (Da-rjña)?
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Unfortunately, however, we still do not know exactly on which sites along the Sarasvat… our Rigvedic ancestors, the founders of our culture, lived. We cannot pin point the settlement of the Bharatas after whom our country is called Bhrata. We have no idea where the great philosopher ¬ishi D…rghatamas sat down to delineate Sish˜i-Vidy, the knowledge of cosmos and its creation. We are unable to locate the settlements of the famous Pañcha-janƒ who lived in the Sarasvat… Valley before moving on to different locations in various directions. This is rather a pity. A Greek proudly tells: “Look, here at Mycenae lived Agamemnon, the hero of the War of Troy.” But, we cannot point out and say: “This is the place where dwelt Suds, the hero of the Battle of Ten Kings (Da-rjña).

It is imperative, therefore, to make a concerted effort to locate the ancient settlements associated with eminent Vedic personalities. We may develop them as T…rthas (places of pilgrimage) or heritage sites. They will not only help enrich the historical consciousness so necessary for national solidarity but also prove extremely fruitful for the development of our tourism.

As I have shown elsewhere (Singh 2004:63-65), it is not difficult to identify at least the main Rigvedic peoples archaeologically. We need only a few more excavations and a little more study of the texts to do that. Take, for example, the case of the Bharatas. The ¬igveda provides clinching pieces of information to locate them geographically. The Bharatas are depicted as performing yajñas on the banks of Sarasvat…, Dishadvat… and špay (Rv, 3.23.4), which means that they lived in and around Kurukshetra. Then, a careful perusal of the ¬igveda shows that the Bharatas were the greatest performers of yajña. There are, to my knowledge, only five persons in the entire ¬igveda after whom sacred Agni (fire for yajña) has been named. They are Bharata, Vadhryava, Divodsa, Devavta, and Trasadasyu indicating their eminence as performers of yajña. Of this list, all except Trasadasyu are Bharatas. This is an important hint since in view of the Bharatas’ preeminence as performers of Vedic sacrifices, we must expect maximum remains of yajñas at the site where the Bharatas lived. In case they occupied several sites, such a preponderance of ritual remains must be found at their capital site. Since maximum number of yajña-kuŠas is reported from Kalibangan, it must be taken to be the capital of the Bharatas until another site in the area is discovered where more copious yajña-related remains are found to be present. This also shows that Hanumangarh District of Rajasthan, where Kalibangan is situated, must have been within the boundaries of ancient Kurukshetra.
The need of a comprehensive Sarasvat… Heritage Project

The rediscovery of Sarasvat… has ushered in a new era in the history of our nation. We need to make the era golden by sincerely working at the national level on a comprehensive Sarasvat… Heritage Project. It is imperative from several points of view:
  • It would set at rest all controversy on the relationship between the Vedic Civilization known from literature and the Sarasvat…-Sindhu Civilization known from archaeology. Needless to remind that misunderstanding of this relationship has proved extremely detrimental to our national solidarity.
  • There are ancient sites of international importance in Sarasvat… Valley. Some of them are larger in size and earlier in time than Mohenjo-daro and Harappa. Developing them as Rsh˜r…ya T…rthas or heritage sites, as I said, would result into a quantum jump in our tourist industry.
  • Ever since its disappearance Sarasvat… has often been designated as Antaƒsalil, that is, flowing underneath the ground. Now scientists like S. M. Rao have confirmed that it is indeed Antaƒsalil. Himalayan glacial water is still slowly moving underneath its dry beds. This underground water may be pumped out and the river may be rejuvenated again or at least tanks along its course be recharged to regain the lost environment.
  • Besides contributing individually to this project of great national importance as far as possible, we should also press on the Central Government to take it up for implementation immediately.

    Indian history still under seize

    As is well known, the study of Indian history in modern times began in the late 18th century when the country was under colonial control. Most of the early workers in the field were Europeans who were grounded naturally in European view of history based on Greek historical tradition with little or no knowledge of Indian tradition of historiography. While credit must be given to them for laying the foundation of historical, archaeological and epigraphical studies on India, the overall impact of the history written in the colonial era proved to be extremely disastrous for the country. Several myths were created and perpetuated by historians of the colonial era as, for example:
    · The ancient Indians had no sense of history;
    · The forefathers of all Indians, barring those of a few so-called ‘aboriginals’, had come here from outside;
    · The ‘Aryans’ were barbarous nomadic people who invaded and destroyed the then existing Dravidian civilization in the Indus Valley forcing its inhabitants to move towards south;
    · Indian history has three main periods: Hindu, Muslim and British; and each period had started with invasion or arrival of a more powerful people from outside; etc.

    Since independence, the political circumstances in the country have been such that historians of Marxist leanings have constantly dominated the field of Indian historical studies except for a short break when Bharatiya Janata Party was in power. Though they have given a new face to Indian history by their interpretations based on Marxist doctrine of dialectical materialism (that in itself is a mix of Hegel and British economics), they have remained as anti-Vedic as were most of the historians of the colonial era. They repeatedly talk of the triad feudalism, capitalism and socialism in context of Indian history too, but never seriously consider a revision of the British periodization of Indian history. They remain contended with the cosmetic change in the nomenclatures from Hindu, Muslim and British to ancient, medieval and modern.

    However, unfortunate is not what they did not do or could not do as yet, but what they have actually done so far. They have enthusiastically perpetuated the myths created by the colonial historians besides adding several new ones. They are definitely better than their colonial counterparts in theoretical sophistication, which greatly enhances their damaging capacity. In fact, they have kept Indian history under seize by fabricating ‘facts’ and imposing wrong concepts. It is only recently, with rediscovery of the Vedic river Sarasvat… that their hold on Indian history has started loosening.

    Restoring the status and prestige of Indian history
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    We need to restore the status and prestige of our history. Indian history has been kept under seize since long. Earlier the colonial-missionary interest groups had kept it under seize. Presently the pseudo-secularists are doing the same. This has resulted into a loss of genuine historical consciousness that is absolutely essential for a living vibrant society. Yesterdays have passed over but they are not dead. They are subtly present in today and are destined to have an inevitable impact on tomorrow. This indestribility of yesterdays makes history important. Being a sizable segment of collective memory and a significant part of effective social psyche, history acts as a powerful vehicle of culture and tradition from generation to generation. History shapes and defines the social identity of a people. It teaches men lessons to learn from the past. It acts as a source of morale in times of distress. We simply cannot afford to ignore our history.

    Fortunately, with rediscovery of the Vedic river Sarasvat… the process of its emancipation has started. It is now time to organize and intensify our efforts to completely free it from the clutches of those who dislike and deliberately distort the image of Indian history. In my view, efforts in this direction should be aimed at:
    • Correcting the maligned image of the Vedic šryas,
    • Emphasizing the distinction between ‘šrya’ and ‘Aryan’,
    • Exposing colonial historians’ ulterior motives,
    • Denuding Christian missionary fabrications of history,
    • Questioning Marxist interpretation of history,
    • Rejecting materialist conception of ‘civilization’,
    • Reclaiming chronology of ancient Indian history,
    • Keeping the concept of Bhrata in mind while writing its history,
    • Keeping Indians in focus, not foreigners, in books on Indian history,
    • Bringing to the notice of public the fact that the Aryan invasion theory and its incarnations have been demolished.

    Within the constraints of time normally allotted to a Presidential Address, let me elaborate these points.

    Vedic šryas were highly civilized indigenous people, not nomadic barbarous invaders

    Historians of the colonial era badly maligned the image of the Vedic Aryans (read šryas). They originated and perpetuated the notion that the authors of the Vedic Culture were not indigenous to South Asia but had arrived here from somewhere outside as invaders in about 1500 BC. While the place of their original habitat continued to be debated, the image of the early Vedic Aryans as a culturally backward but physically vigorous and bellicose people soon found general acceptance. By the time the Indus Valley Civilization, now known as the Harappan/Indus-Saraswati/Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization, was discovered, the image of the 'barbarous invading Aryans' had turned into an article of faith and, therefore, it was readily accepted that these very invading people destroyed this earliest civilization of South Asia. It was said that they were nomadic pastoralists not doing even agriculture but, being extremely warlike and possessing horses and horse-drawn chariots that provided them superior maneuverability in battles, they succeeded in destroying the Harappan cities and forced their inhabitants, the Dravidians, to move to the south. This notion of a culturally backward, nomadic and tribal Early Aryans has persisted until now and contradicted only recently.

    An example of the persisting notion of culturally backward and warlike Early Aryans may be found in R. S. Sharma's book Material Culture and Social Formations in Ancient India published in 1983. Sharma has concluded that down to the time of composition of the Family Books of the Rigveda, the Vedic Aryans were largely nomadic pastoralists ignorant of settled agriculturists' life and were engaged mostly in booty capture. According to him, booty capture was their most important economic institution. On page 38 of his book he declares: “War in the predominantly tribal society of the Rg Veda was a logical and natural economic function” and that it was “the main source which supplied, to the tribal chief or prince, cattle, other animals and women in the shape of spoils”. Again, on page 24 of the book, he opines, “the Family Books show the Rig Vedic people to be predominantly pastoral”.
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    However, R. N. Nandi contradicts Sharma’s statement and notes: “Not much exercise is needed to show that permanent dwellings, which together with fertile fields constitute the nuclei of sedentary life, already dominate the family portions of the Rgveda. But the obsession with pastoral nomads has frequently led scholars to gloss over the data bearing on these essentials of sedentary life” (Nandi 1989-90:45).

    Bhagwan Singh goes still a step ahead and remarks: “Contrary to the general belief that the Vedic society was pastoral and nomadic, we find it to be one of the most civilized societies of its time. Rgveda is agog with mercantile activities undertaken by its traders against all conceivable odds” (Singh 1993:192).

    The changing paradigm is clearly reflected by these opinions expressed by three scholars all of whom, it may incidentally be noted, are Marxists.


    ‘šrya’ is a reality, ‘Aryan’ a myth

    A lot of confusion has been created and damage done by not distinguishing the terms ‘šrya’ and ‘Aryan’ from each other and using them interchangeably. However, it must be noted that they are two entirely different concepts. The word ‘šrya’ means ‘civilized’. It does not denote any colour, race or language. The Rigvedic people, who evolved sublime concepts like ‘¬ita’, ‘Satya’ and ‘Dharma’, started using the word ‘šrya’ as a term of self-designation to distinguish them from those who were not cultured enough to conceive these highly refined ideas. Ever since, this word has been in usage in the sense of ‘noble’ and ‘respected’. Being self-designation of a people and used as an appellative or denominative, the word ‘šrya’ represents a historical reality.

    As against this, the term ‘Aryan’ or, more precisely, ‘Indo-Aryan’ denotes the speaker of a language within the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European family. Clearly, it is a modern linguistic construct. Now, validity of any construct is subject to verification; and the validity of ‘Aryan’ could not be verified independently because it is based on equally hypothetical constructs of a ‘Proto-Indo-European mother language’ giving rise to a ‘linguistic family’. ‘Aryan’ is, therefore, a myth, a mere conjecture.


 
Materialist understanding of history and historical process is faulty

According to leftist intellectuals, the conditions of social production determine the development of culture. They interpret history according to the methodology provided by Marx and Lenin, which perceives the objective basis of the unity of historical process in social mode of production. However, this materialist understanding of history and historical process is faulty. Here is an incidence that makes it quite clear.
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Only a short time ago, in nineteen eighties, over two dozen eminent Marxist historians, philosophers and social scientists jointly prepared a book under the auspices of the Institute of Philosophy of the (then) USSR Academy of Sciences. The book in Russian was soon translated into English by Cynthia Carlile and published in 1983 by Progress Publishers, Moscow. It is entitled Civilisation and the Historical Process. About the book it is noted on the inner side of the covering flap itself: “Having analysed contemporary ‘bourgeois’ civilisation, the ‘transitional’ civilisations of the developing countries, and also the socio-cultural processes taking place within developed socialist society, the authors advance the thesis that the historical process is objectively leading to the formation of a single communist civilization” (emphasis supplied). Today, it is clear to anybody how foolish was their understanding of history and estimation of the historical process. Does it not show that there is something wrong about materialist understanding of history and historical process?


The Marxist historians are wrong because they take their model of historical development for granted and then force fit the data to validate it. This is certainly not an objective way of doing research. It is a matter of common knowledge that data collection is influenced by the hypothesis already present in researcher’s mind. Knowingly or unknowingly, data suiting the hypothesis are collected and those not suiting, overlooked. In fact, it is to avoid this interference of mental inclination on both, hypothesis formation as well as data collection, that the method of ‘multiple alternative hypotheses’ has been introduced in modern research (Singh 1985:66-67). The Marxist historians conveniently overlook this fact. It is true that history writing cannot be made hundred percent objective; nevertheless, the accepted norm is to make history objective as far as possible. The Marxists do not seem to accept this norm and by doing so, they erase the line of demarcation between history and political propaganda.

The aberrations created by the Marxist historians in Indian history are too many to be recounted here. In fact, they have used history as an instrument to destroy the values cherished in Indian culture from times immemorial. They have joined hands with colonial-missionary historians in resisting the development of an objective Bhrat…ya history. Removing the distortions produced by the Marxists in Indian history is a formidable challenge before the present generation of historians.

Equating urbanization and civilization is wrong

It is wrong to equate stages of urbanization and civilization with each other and to designate all rural societies as barbarous. However, this is what most of the historians and archaeologist have been doing under the impact of Marxist thinking. It would be interesting to know how such an obviously wrong practice came to be introduced in history and archaeology.

Long ago, in 1877, the famous French scholar Lewis H. Morgan wrote a book entitled Ancient Society, or Researches in the Lines of Human Progress from Savagery through Barbarism to Civilization. The stages of so-called human progress distinguished in this book were adopted and elaborated by Frederick Engels in his famous essay 'The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State' written in German which appeared in Zurich in 1884. V. G. Childe took it from Engels and introduced in the fields of history and archaeology.

In this scheme of cultural development in three stages, the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic societies, doing neither agriculture nor animal husbandry, are called ‘food-gatherers’ and placed in the stage of savagery. Savages were leading nomadic life since they had to move from place to place in search of food. From Neolithic onwards, when agriculture and domestication of animals started, people began to live in villages. They are designated as ‘food-producers’ and assigned to the stage of barbarism. It was only when urbanization was started by trading communities that people are said to have reached the stage of civilization.
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This materialist conception of ‘civilization’ has often created problem. For instance, though the word ‘šrya’ means ‘civilized’, the Vedic šryas were called ‘semi-barbarous’ people in History of Mankind, Volume 1, published by UNESCO in 1963 on the assumption that they were village folk unaware of city life. Moreover, the above classification of cultural development from savagery through barbarism to civilization is contradicted by facts. Now, it is known that Neolithic people living in villages also engaged in trade, even in long distance trade, and hence it cannot be considered a feature of urban life only.

Guarding against Christian missionary fabrication of history

We need to be watchful of Christian missionary fabrications of history. These fabrications often remain unnoticed since they are done among ignorant masses living in remote areas. In colonial era, however, missionaries were bold enough to publish their fabrications of history in reputed journals. I will refer to just one such instance.

Long ago, an effort was made by a missionary historian to prove that VashŠavism was derived from Christianity. He advanced three arguments: First, there is phonetic resemblance between the names Christ and KishŠa. Second, the followers of VaishŠavism celebrate Janmsh˜am…, a birthday celebration that is clearly a Christian tradition. Third, the NaryaŠ…ya Upkhyna of the Mahbhrata informs that Nrada went to ®veta-dv…pa to learn the tenets of the Pñchartra Dharma there. ®veta-dv…pa is described as situated towards the northwest in Ksh…rasgara where white-complexioned (Gaur‰ga) people lived. This, it was argued, was a clear indication of someone going to England and being initiated in Christianity that later came to be known as VaishŠavism.

Fortunately, however, this theory of Christian origin of VaishŠavism could not last long. A stone pillar with an inscription on it was discovered at Besanagar near Vidisha in Madhya Pradesh. The inscription records the erection of a Garudadhvaja (pillar mounted by Garuda, the vehicle of VishŠu) in honour of Vsudeva, the God of gods, by a Greek devotee of KishŠa (Bhgvata) named Heliodorus. According to the inscription, Heliodorus was a resident of Taxila who had come to the court of ®u‰ga king Bhgabhadra as an ambassador of Indo-Greek king Antalikidas. Now, Antalikidas is known to have ruled at Taxila in 135 BCE. This fact established beyond doubt that the missionary historian’s theory was totally concocted since at least 135 years before the birth of Christ an Indo-Greek had come from Taxila to Vidisha and accepted VaishŠavism.

Bringing to the notice of public the fact that the Aryan invasion/migration theories have been discarded

There are no takers now of the Aryan Invasion Theory (AIT). Even its erstwhile upholders accept this fact. The theory was demolished because neither literature nor archaeology obliged the proponents of the theory. The only evidence of massacre at Mohenj-daro advanced by Mortimer Wheeler was proved to be a myth (Dales 1964).

However, the AIT was reincarnated as AMT (the Aryan Migration Theory), but it too stands rejected mainly because:
· the proponents of the AMT widely disagree among themselves with the result that several versions of AMT have come into existence that contradict each other;
· the only so-called evidence of migration advanced by Michael Witzel, based on a loka (18.44) of the Baudhyana ®rauta-S™tra, has been unanimously rejected;
· solid evidence have come to light to show that Vedic šryas are sons of the soil, not aliens; and
· anthropological, biological and, above all, genetic findings rule out the possibility of any Aryan migrations.
24
25
As many of these researches are quite recent and the proponents of Aryan migration theories are still creating confusion, the public is still under the impression that the Vedic šryas had come from outside. The continuation of Aryan invasion/migration theories in school textbooks has further confounded this confusion. It is our duty, therefore, to bring to the notice of the masses that all theories about the external origin of the šryas have been demolished.

Reclaiming chronology of ancient Indian history

One of the major challenges in Bhrat…ya historical studies relate to correction of various dates and durations of events and processes in Indian history. Of late, some success has been achieved in this direction. Based on simulations using the planetarium software, the Mahbhrata War has been dated to 3067 BCE (Achar 2006). Mathematical and other data indicate that the ¬igveda is a pre-3750 BCE composition (Rajaram and Frawley 1995), and linguistic and astronomical evidence take its antiquity back to the fifth millennium BCE.

Similarly, the times of Gautam Buddha, PŠini, Kau˜ilya, šdi ®a‰karchrya and other celebrated personalities of early Indian history have been revised. It may be hoped that ancient Indian chronology would soon be fully reclaimed.

Reformulating periodization of Indian history

Long ago, the British historian James Mill divided the course of Indian history into three periods: Hindu, Muslim and British. Mill’s periodization still continues with cosmetic change as Ancient, Medieval and Modern. This formulation is totally ill conceived and controversial. We, therefore, need to reformulate the periodization afresh.

In 1956, K. M. Munshi distinguished four distinct epochs of Indian culture (Munshi 1956:112-23). First, the Age of Expansion, which continued from the earliest times down to 1000 CE. Second, the Age of Resistance, from 1000 CE to 1300 CE ‘at the end of which the Sultanate of Delhi became an imperial power in India’. Third, the Age of Modern Renaissance, that began in the 17th century with rise of Ramdas and Shivaji in Maharashtra, the Gurus in the Punjab and the Rajputs in Rajasthan. Despite political and economic domination by Britain the upsurgence continued and was expressed in the Great Revolt of 1857 and in actions and thoughts of Dayanand Sarasvati, Ramakrishna Paramahansa, Vivekanand, Tilak, Sri Arvid, and several other saints and savants. The fourth and the last is the Age of Cultural Crisis which started with independence in 1947 and which continues even today.


We may revise, expand and further improve the periodization outlined by K. M. Munshi.

The need of a sense of proportion and propriety: Indian history must always keep Indians in focus

It hurts to find that many books on Indian history are replete with detailed descriptions about the bravery of foreign invaders on India like Alexander and Babur; but, they have very little to say about the brave resistance that the Indians put against the invaders. Is it a proper sense of proportion and propriety in a book on Indian history?
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27
Take, for example, the chapter on Alexander’s invasion on India in Indian history books. It may be found to contain detailed descriptions of Alexander’s early life, his organizing capacity, his bravery, how ‘he assumed the robes and tiara of a Persian monarch’, how he arranged marriage between Macedonian officers and Persian and Babylonian women, the so-called ‘Marriage of the East and West’, and all that.


However, the bravery with which the Indians came up and the sacrifices they made in resisting Alexander’s invasion find very little space in the chapter. We find only passing reference to the Ashvakas who gave Alexander a tough battle. As the Greek accounts inform us, ‘when the Ashvakas and their leader died fighting, all their women under the command of the dead leader’s brave wife, took arms from the hands of their killed husbands and fought to the end’. Similarly, the innumerable lives the Ka˜has laid down in defending their fort at Sangal, which terrified Alexander’s soldiers, is done away with just in one or two sentences. The BrhmaŠas of Sindh had made a clarion-call to face the foreign invasion to save Dharma and had taken arms in their hands; but it is seldom highlighted. These pieces of information become all the more significant because they are supplied not by Indian sources but by Greek and Roman accounts that had no interest in glorifying Indians.

In history books, even in some of those that are authored by Indian historians, the Macedonian hero is called ‘Alexander, the Great’! But, what for? Why is he called ‘the Great’? No body has explained it as yet.

We must not forget one basic fact. It is the expression of eternal Indian spirit in words and deeds that deserves to be the subject matter of Indian history. This spirit is expressed most clearly in odd situations like an invasion or any other national calamity. Invasions provide contexts and they should be taken as such, not as an organic part of Indian historical process.
 
Keeping personality of Bhrata in mind while writing Indian history

The concept of India and the understanding of Indian history are interconnected. If you want to know India, you need to go through its history. But, if you want to write the history of India, you must be conversant with the personality of India before hand. Some scholars do not appear to be sensitive to this interconnection and take the issue of the ‘Idea of India’ lightly.

Thus, in his H. D. Sankalia Memorial Lecture entitled ‘The idea of India and its heritage: The millennium challenges’, delivered in December 2000, D. P. Agrawal remarks: “Nations are essentially spatio-temporal concepts, which change with time and geography. So let us not get bogged down into such mires but address the more substantive and challenging issues” (Agrawal 2001:21). Agrawal is a senior scholar and an old friend of mine whose scholarship I highly admire despite differences of opinion on historical issues. However, I fail to see why Agrawal taking the ‘Idea of India’ as a millennium challenge finally whisks it away as a less-substantive or less-challenging issue. India is not just a spatio-temporal entity that has been changing with time and geography. India has a personality of its own, and the millennium challenge is to define that personality.

In this lecture, Agrawal quotes the famous words from Nehru’s Discovery of India that depict India as “an ancient palimpsest on which layer upon layer of thought and reverie had been inscribed, and yet no succeeding layer had completely hidden or erased what had been written previously”. It is true that Nehru emphasized the miscegenation and accretion of cultures in India and that was true for most of the early epochs of Indian culture. Living at a time when the Aryan Invasion Theory was taken as an article of faith, Nehru could not think of an original indigenous culture of India. He could not see that the ancient palimpsest he was talking about had, in fact, an original inscription engraved on it so deeply that layer upon layer of subsequent engravings could neither hide nor erase it.
28
29



Nevertheless, despite all British impact on his education and personality, Nehru had occasional glimpse of ‘Indianness’. In his Foreword to Filiozat’s India (1962), he writes: “There is an Indianness which distinguishes every part of India....That Indianness is something unique and deeper than the external differences.” Nehru felt this Indianness emotionally and intuitively but he could not locate its primary source (utsa).

In fact, Bhrat…yat or Indianness cannot be defined in geographical and political terms. It can be defined only culturally as a set of values based on intuitive recognition of transcendental spirituality. Spirituality, it may be noted, is a category of perception higher than religion or even morality. Bhrat…yat or Indianness is distinguished by a spiritual vision of life, which the Vedic ¬ishis have bequeathed to humanity.


References


Achar, B.N.Narahari 2006. Date of the Mahbhrata War on the basis of simulations using the planetarium software. The Hindu Renaissance 4(1):8-13.

Agrawal, D.P. 2001. The idea of India and its heritage: The millennium challenges. Man and Environment 26(1):15-22.

Dales, G.F. 1964. The mythical massacre at Mohenjo-daro. Expedition 6(3):36-43.

Hawkes, J. and Leonard Woolley 1963. History of Mankind, Vol. 1. Prehistory and the Beginnings of Civilization. London: Allen and Unwin.

Hillebrandt, Alfred 1891/1999. Vedic Mythology (Translated from the original German Vedische Mythologie by S.R. Sharma). Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass.

Kalyanaraman, S. 2003. Sarasvati. Seven Vols. Bangalore: Babasaheb (Umakant Keshav) Apte Smarak Samiti.

Lal, B.B. 1997. The Earliest Civilization of South Asia. New Delhi: Aryan Books International.

Morgan, Lewis H. 1877. Ancient Society, or Researches in the Lines of Human Progress from Savagery through Barbarism to Civilization. London: Macmillan & Co.

Munshi, K.M. 1956. Epochs of Indian Culture. In K.M. Munshi and N.C. Aiyer (eds.): Indian Inheritance. Vol 2. Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhawan.

Nandi, R.N. 1989-90. Archaeology and the Rgveda. The Indian Historical Review, 16(1-2): 35-79.

Puri, V.K.M. and B.C. Verma 1998. Glaciological and geological source of Vedic Sarasvati in the Himalyas. Itihas Darpan 4(2):7-36.

Raikes, Robert 1968. Kalibangan: Death from natural causes. Antiquity 42:286-91.

Rajaram, N.S. and David Frawley 1995. Vedic “Aryans”and the Origin of Civilization. Quebec: W. H. Press.
Rao, S.M. 2003. Use of isotopes in search of Last River. Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry 257(1):5-9.
Sharma, R.S. 1983. Material Culture and Social Formations in Ancient India. Madras: Macmillan India.
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contributed by

Professor Shivaji Singh



A scholar of eminence in the field of ancient history, culture and archaeology, Prof. Shivaji Singh (b. 1934) taught first at the Banaras Hindu University and later at the University of Gorakhpur, where he was professor and head of the department until 1995. He has been a Senior Research Fellow of the ICHR and completed two major research projects: one ‘Vedic Horizon in Archaeology’ and the other ‘Rigvedic and Harappan Ethno-Geographic Configurations’.



Under the scheme of exchange of scholars between India and Greece, he stayed at Athens for two years (1969-71). During this period, he worked as a Greek Government Scholar in Archaeology, studied Greek language at the University of Athens, participated in the Ancient Greek Cities Research Project of the Athens Center of Ekistics, and wrote a book on the Neolithic Age in Greece.



He has supervised archaeological expeditions in eastern UP bringing to light several ancient sites and valuable antiquities. He has visited archaeological sites and museums at several places in Egypt, Greece, Italy, Switzerland, France, UK and USA.



He has produced several Ph.D.s, published a large number of research papers and authored several original books like Evolution of Smriti Law (1972), Models, Paradigms, and the New Archaeology (1985), Vedic Culture and Its Continuity: New Paradigms and Dimensions (2003), Rigvaidika šrya aur Sarasvat…-Sindhu Sabhyat (2004).



He has delivered presidential and keynote addresses in several academic gatherings in India and abroad. In 2004, he was awarded Vakankar National Prize for his outstanding scholarly contributions in the area of Vedic history and archaeology. Presently, he is President ABISY (Akhila Bhrat…ya Itihsa Sa‰kalana Yojan).
 

Sarasvati civilization museum in Vadodara​

Indian Americans Spearhead $15M Indus Valley Museum


By KETAKI GOKHALE
India-West Staff Reporter
The idea of a lavish museum in Baroda that showcases treasures from the ancient Indus Valley Civilization dating back to 2600 B.C., and documents the dazzling cultural and mercantile accomplishments of its people, is gaining traction among San Francisco Bay Area Indian Americans, who have already pitched in an estimated $2 million for the $10 to $15 million project.
The 100,000-square-foot museum will be part of the Indus Saraswati Heritage Center, which will include outdoor recreations of Indus city features including wells, baths, and gateways, a theater, and 15 galleries where artifacts, interactive kiosks and a learning center for children will narrate the rise and fall of the Indus Civilization. At the heart of the center will be a “world-class” research institute, backers say, where scholars can research, collaborate and continue archaeological conservation efforts.
The Indus Heritage Center was conceived in 2005 by Jeff Morgan, executive director of the Palo Alto, Calif.-based Global Heritage Fund, and Mark Kenoyer, a professor at the University of Wisconsin and one of the world’s eminent authorities on the Indus Civilization.
“When GHF contacted me, asking which project to focus on, and where in India to set up a facility,” Kenoyer told India-West, “I said ‘Indus,’ and in Gujarat because they have the most sites.”
“Baroda is the center of the universe,” he joked. For Indus scholars and enthusiasts, it may well be. The city’s famed Maharaja Sayajirao University, which will support GHF in the design and construction of the museum, is home to the second largest collection of Indus Valley artifacts in India. It is surpassed only by the Archaeological Survey of India, a government agency, Kenoyer noted.
MSU’s archaeology department is the finest in India, he said. Over the past 30 years, it has excavated dozens of sites, including major ones, like Dholavira, situated on a small island off the northern coast of Kutch, and smaller settlements like Gola Dhoro and Jaidak, in northern Saurashtra, near the Gulf of Kutch.
The biggest problem the university faces is that it has no facility to display its extensive collection. Most of the objects, Kenoyer said, are languishing in storage. Eventually, they will take up residence in the new museum, but for the time being, the Global Heritage Fund is funding a collaboration between the Smithsonian Institute and the University of Baroda, in which a local team is trained in artifact handling and preservation.
“The idea of sharing knowledge in this way is just beginning to surface,” Kalpana Desai, director of India Programs at the Global Heritage Fund, told India-West. “The university will help us get a land grant and share its artifacts. And we bring the support of our sponsors. Computers, laptops, cameras and equipment for the university. Trainings and conservation workshops…technology conferences, and we can help them in setting up collections management systems. For the first time, artifacts are being catalogued.”
Much of this initial knowledge-exchange has been made possible by seed funding given by Silicon Valley Indian Americans, Desai said. “There is exciting, groundbreaking research going on, except, in the case of the Indus Civilization, there hasn’t been enough attention to the subject nationally or even in the subcontinent. Unlike Ancient Egypt, there is a paucity of material on Indus for the common man. This idea aroused the passion and sparked the interest of our founding sponsors.”
The time is ripe, Desai believes, for a museum such as the one planned. “The Indus Civilization had an innovative, entrepreneurial, international character,” she pointed out. “There are many unique features to marvel at in the culture, and with the help of today’s technology, it will be brought into the limelight.” Extensive media coverage of India in recent years has also heightened public interest in the subcontinent and its history, she added. “There’s a lot of curiosity right now — it’s time to capture that momentum.”
The Global Heritage Fund estimates several hundred thousands visitors will come to the museum annually, starting in 2012, the year it’s expected to be launched. “You can look at it through the lens of building tourism,” founding sponsor Amit Shah, a Bay Area venture capitalist, told India-West. “The way to do charity is to make sure it’s economically viable, and this museum is going to be economically self-sustaining and will benefit the city. I keep going back to economics because this is going to make a huge difference in the way people live.”
As a native of Baroda and a graduate of MSU, Shah has a deep personal interest in the project as well. “Indian parents bring up their children with an understanding of Hinduism, but we can’t name one place in India where we’ve made the effort to preserve Vedic culture,” he explained.
“In this country, if a building is 500 years old, it’s automatically made into a historical site. In India, you have structures that are many thousands of years old that are left on the wayside.”
Shah recalled a recent trip to the MSU campus when the chair of the archaeology department gave him a tour of the collections. “Just to give you perspective, he showed me a strand of Buddha’s hair,” Shah said, still in awe at the recollection. “It is incredible the amount of history that is lying just scattered out there, of such great value. It needs to be preserved, learned from, passed to the next generation.”
The question of just who is interpreting the meaning of Indus cultural artifacts is one that has played on everybody’s minds. Kenoyer said that naming the complex the “Indus Saraswati” Center was a hard decision in and of itself. “Do you call it ‘Indus’ or ‘Indus Saraswati’?” he mused. “How do you give a balanced perspective on the value of the Saraswati River. And there are three Saraswatis in the subcontinent — which is Vedic one?”
“The fact is, archaeology is always changing,” Kenoyer told India-West. “There is no final answer. The field is just coming of age in India, and people are realizing its potential. Archaeology actually started in India during the colonial period, when the British studied ancient monuments to show the dominance of western culture. Later, the Congress Party used it to show the ancientness of Indian culture.”
“It’s been there for a long time, but the common people haven’t had access to it.”
Desai added that the hot archaeological debates of the day, and questions to which answers haven’t yet been found will be “documented” as such in the museum. “We want to bring to light myths of the past, and bring up new questions for the future,” she explained.
Construction on the Indus Saraswati Heritage Center is slated to begin late 2008 or early 2009. Before then, the Global Heritage Fund is hoping to raise $4 to $5 million in the U.S. and another $6 to $8 million in India from corporate and individual donors.
For more information on the project, visit globalheritagefund.org.

:by indiawest

http://tinyurl.com/3doujx
 

View: https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/legacy/271497

Legacy​

Feb 19, 20081 like2,558 views
Srinivasan Kalyanaraman
Srinivasan Kalyanaraman
The document discusses the legacy of the ancient Sarasvati writing system and its influence on early coinage and copper plate inscriptions in India. It summarizes the views of several scholars who noted remarkable parallels between symbols used on punch-marked coins, the Sohgaura copper plate inscription, and the Sarasvati hieroglyphs. The document examines in detail several examples of motifs and symbols found on punch-marked coins that closely resemble depictions of animals, plants, and other motifs in the Indus Valley/Sarasvati civilization. It argues this provides evidence that the devices on early Indian coins represent a survival of the prehistoric Sarasvati civilization.

1750289879265.webp

 

Sarasvati Civilization continuum and decoding Indus script​

May 16, 2008


Sarasvati Civilization continuum and decoding Indus script

Two presentations were made in Jammu University, History Department on 15 May 2008 by Dr. S. Kalyanaraman; Dr. Amitabh Mattoo, Vice-Chancellor was the Chief Guest and Prof. Nirmal Singh, Head of the Department of History, Jammu University presided:

1. Powerpoint presentation on Hindu-Sarasvati Civilization continuum
2. Mlecchita Vikalpa: Indus script encodes mleccha speech

Both pdf documents are appended, to be viewed/downloaded as e-monographs. More details are available on 13 ebooks available for browsing/download at http://sarasvati97.blogspot.com
 
Saraswati-Sindhu Civilization
01/11/2008 12:56:33
River%20Saraswati%20at%20Somnath1112008125633790.jpg





By M. P. Ajithkumar




*














Right from early times India’s
northwestern part had been the cradle of cultural florescence that gave birth
to one of the ancient civilizations. Differently called as Harappan Culture or
Sindhu Valley Civilization, this early civilization of India has been
of much historical interest to archaeologists, geologists and even space
researchers. However as archaeological research progressed, the very name Indus
Civilization proved to be a misnomer since the remains of this civilization
unearthed from various parts of India reveal that it was not confined
exclusively to Indus Valley. Its cultural dissemination took place in an area
of about 2.5 million sq. KM. of India.
The northern most of Indus sites is Manda located on river Beas near Jammu. The southern most
is Bhagatrav on river Tapti in Maharashtra.
The eastern most sites are Alamgirpur on river Hindon near Delhi
and Mandoli near Nandanagari in North Delhi.
In the west it extended to Sutkagendor on the ancient shore
of Arabian Sea near the eastern border
of Iran.
The main sites include Harappa, Mohenjodaro,
Chanhudaro, Lothal, Rupar, Kalibengan, Banavali, Kunal, Kot-Diji, Dholavira,
Surkothada, Mehrgarh, Rahmandheri, Ranagundai, Amri, Kil Gul Mohamad and a host
of other major and minor ones

However what is most
astonishing is the concentration of these sites in the vast tract lying between
Indus on the west and Ganges on the east,
where the archaeologists and geologists alike have discovered the paleochannels
of a lost river with more than 22 KM breadth at some places. This according to
D N Wadia is the “old bed of Saraswati … at a time when it and the Sutlej
flowed independently of the Indus to the sea, i.e. the Rann
of Kutch”. (D N Wadia, Geology of India, Delhi, 1984, p.
368.First published in 1919) By 1886 itself R D Oldham, the then Deputy
Superintend of the Geological Survey of India had pointed to the existence of
this river during ancient times. Oldham was the first geologist who studied and
gave as early as 1886, geological comments about river Saraswathi and the
changes in the drainage pattern of the rivers of Punjab and western Rajasthan
that reduced the once fertile region into a desert. He observed the paleochannels of a river that
flowed in between the Yamuna and Sutlej and
that this river had two channels one of which passed through Haryana (Khaggar-Saraswati
channel). He also observed some shifts in the channels of this river, which
according to geological findings had changed its course many times. Analyzing
the fossils unearthed from the beds of these old rivers, he concluded that
these were of the creatures, which floated in the same river, which proved that
these channels were of the same river. (R D Oldham, ‘On Probable Changes in the
Geography of the Punjab and its Rivers an Historico-Geographical Study’, Journal
of Asiatic Society of Bengal
, 1886, Vol.55, pp.322-343) C F Oldham also took notice of the
paleochannels of this river. He traced an old riverbed, the Hakra or Sotra
(Ghaggar) or Wahind, more than thousand Km. in length, the channel of a lost river,
traceable from Ambala near the foot of the Himalayas through Bhatinda, Bikaner and Bahawalpur to
Sind and thence onwards to the Rann of Kutch.
Quoting from the Rig Veda, Mahabharatha and Manusmrithi,
he concluded that this was the channel of the ancient river Saraswati around
which had lay the highly civilized centers. He wrote:

The existence of this river
at no very remote period and the truth of the legend which assert the ancient
fertility of the lands through which it flowed, are attested by the ruins which
everywhere overspread what is now an arid sandy waste.







Throughout this tract are scattered
mounts, marking the sites of cities and towns. And there are strongholds still
remaining, in a very decayed state, which were places of importance…







Amongst these ruins are found, not only the
huge bricks used by the Hindus of the remote past, but others of much later
make too.

Taking the once urban nature
of these areas and the unerring geological findings about the long and wide
riverbed of the lost river, he concluded that this was nothing other than the
Vedic Saraswati referred to in the ancient Indian literature. (C F Oldahm, ‘The
Saraswati and the Lost River of the Indian Desert’, Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society
, 1893, Vol.34, pp.49-76) Later the geologists engaged in
the geomorphologic survey on the eve of launching the Fakra-Nangal project also
came across the old bed of a long river, which flowed in the southwest
direction and ended up in the desert. (B C Roy, ‘Geological Map of Rajasthan’, Geological
Survey of India
, Vol. 86; ‘Lost Course of Saraswati River in the Indian
Desert’, Geographical Journal, Vol-145 (3), 1979)

According to Geological and
hydrological findings this area, though now appears arid, was in ancient times
watered by a group of mighty rivers that flowed in between Sindhu in the west
and Ganga on the east. River Saraswathi,
according to the literary tradition was bigger than the Sindhu during its
heydays and had coursed through the region between modern Yamuna and Sutlej. (A. V. Sankaran, “Saraswati – the ancient river
lost in the desert”, Aseema, Mangalore, Vol. 5. No. 7, January 2005, pp.
7-14.) Though Saraswathi is lost its sister rivers outlived and have survived
to this day. It is to be noted that most of the big rivers of North India in
the time of the Vedas – Saraswathi, Shatadru (Sutlej)
and Yamuna – derived their waters from the Himalayan glaciers during the
Pleistocene times. The melting of these glaciers during the Holocene later led
to the origin of many rivers that coursed down the Himalayan slopes. The Vedic
bards symbolically present the thawing of these glaciers through the war
between God Indra and demon Vritra. Indra is represented in the Vedic
literature as the shaker of the forts or Purandara who shatters the saradiyapura
the snow fort, a story, which has been misinterpreted by Mortimer wheeler
and others to buttress up their version of Arya-Dravida conflict. The long
channel of the river sourcing off the foot of Sivalik ranges and coursing
southwest was junctioned with many streams having considerable volume of
water. The main Khaggar-Saraswati
channel was enriched from the west by Sutlej arising from Mount Kailas while
from the east the rivers like Drishadvati (the present Chautang), Yamuna and
Markanda combined flowed into the Saraswati-Khaggar channel which took its
mighty southwestern course till it emptied itself into the sea at Rann of
Kutch. (K S Valdia, Saraswati – The River that Disappeared, Orient
Longman, Hyderabad, 2002, pp. 23-36.). Consequently the areas between Saraswati
and Drishadvati became resourceful for the all-round prosperity of those who
peopled there. Interestingly, Saraswathi’s course in the states of Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan is highlighted in the
LANDSAT imagery by the lush cover of vegetation thriving on the rich residual
loamy soil along its course. That this region was once watery is further
confirmed by the earth-science studies conducted here. Geophysical surveys by
the Geological Survey of India to study the ground water potential in Bikaner, Ganganagar and
Jaisalmer districts of western Rajasthan came across many zones of fresh and
less saline water in the form of arcuate shaped aquifers similar to other
palaeochannels found in different parts of the state. Studies on hydrogen,
oxygen and carbon isotopes on shallow and deep ground water samples from these
districts further confirm that these surface palaeochannels are of the ancient
rivers. A report on an environmental isotope study conducted along an
identified palaeochannel in western Rajasthan by a team of scientists of the
Isotope Division, Bhabha Atomic Research Centre, Trombay thus reads:

A number of palaeochannels have been
identified in western Rajasthan using remote sensing techniques and field
observations … One of these channels traced is in western Jaisalmer along
Kishangar, Ghantiyali and Shahgarh. Inspite of the highly arid condition of the
region, comparatively good quality ground water is available along the course
below 30 m depth. A few dug wells in the study area do not dry up even in
summer and the tube wells do not show reduction in water table, even after
extensive utilization for human as well as livestock consumption. Ground water
away from this course is saline. This course is seen to have link with the dry
bed of Ghaggar river in the northeast, while in the southwest it is met with or
even cut across the surviving courses of Hakra or Nara
rivers in Pakistan.
The above course is thought to belong to the legendry river Saraswathi of
Himalayan origin, mentioned in many early literary works and known to have
existed before 3000 BP. (A. R. Nair, S. V. Navada and S. M. Rao,
“Isotope Study to Investigate the Origin and Age of Groundwater along
Palaeochannels in Jaisalmer and Ganganagar Districts of Rajasthan”, (Ed. B. P.
Radhakrishna and S. S. Merh) Vedic Sarasvati – Evolutionary History of a
Lost River of Northwestern India
, Memoir of the Geological Society of
India, No. 42, 1999, pp. 315-319.)​
 
The SaraswathiValley
as well as the growth of civilization there are thus facts confirmed both by
geology and archaeology. According to Manu this was the most auspicious place
and hence suitable for all kinds of spiritual activities and he calls it Brahmavartha,
the god-created land:









saraswatidrushadvathyor devanadyor yadanantharam





tham
devanirmithamdesam brahmavartham prachakshathe
(Manu. 2. 17)








This opinion of Geology
has not changed till date and it continued only to be buttressed up by similar
findings of archaeology and space research

Interestingly, most of the
sites of what was so far called the Indus Valley Civilization have been
excavated from the areas this lost river with its many feeder sources had
flowed and changed its course different times. Indeed most of the
archaeological finds regarding what we call the Harappan civilization have been
unearthed from the Cholistan desert area where the Pakistani team of
archaeologists headed by M Rafique Mughal concentrated its surveys along 300
miles of the dry bed of the HakraRiver. The Cholistan
discoveries, Mughal says, have given a “new perspective and orientation for
planning future research on Indus Valley Civilization”, because “sites of
various periods, and their concentration or distribution, provides a reliable
basis for reconstructing various changes in the course of the Hakra River,
often identified with the Saraswati of the Vedic period” (M. Rafique Mughal,
‘Recent Archaeological Research in the Cholistan Desert’, Harappan
Civilization
, (Ed. Gregory L. Possehl) New Delhi, Oxford & IBH, 1993,
pp. 85-94) Further excavations in Cholistan and other sites which dot all
across the regions where this lost river had flowed have brought to light that
what has been thus far described as the Indus Valley Civilization had only a
few sites on the Indus. Most sites of this civilization including the maritime
and other navigational centers were concentrated on the strands of the once
mighty River Saraswati or were connected to it.

One may wonder as to whether
this lost river was so big that its sand beds and valleys had helped flower so
great a civilization and fostered it for a long time till it ceased to have its
mighty flow and ended up in the desert. According to geologists the two
thousand year period, between 6000 and 4000 B.C., witnessed the full splendour
of Saraswati when as a great river it watered the plains of Punjab, Rajastan, Gujarat and Haryana. Definitely this mighty river became
an object of much praise and veneration and was deified and eulogized by the
seers who authored the Vedic hymns. She is described in the Rig Veda as:

ekacetat
Saraswati nadinam suciryati giribhya a samudrat (Rk Veda. 7:95:2)









“She is flowing from the mountains to the ocean”. So great was she to
the Vedic people that they praised her as the best of mothers, best of rivers
and best of Goddesses and invoked her blessings:

ambitame
naditame devitame Saraswati






aprasasta
iva smasi prasastimamba naskridhi

(Rk Veda. 2:41:16)









“Best of mothers, best of rivers, Best of Goddesses, Saraswati we are
ignorant and untrained, give us wisdom and knowledge”










She is described as the
river whose unlimited and uninterrupted flow with its swift movement and speedy
rush gushes forth with tempestuous roar:

yasya
ananto ahnuta stvesa scarisnurarnava amascarati roruvat (Rk Veda.
6:61:8)









Her mighty current is described to have broken the boulders on either
side with as much ease as breaking the lotus stems. (Rk Veda.6: 61:2)
Similarly Yajur Veda, Atharva Veda, Brahmanas, Manu
Smriti, Mahabharatha and the Puranas wax eloquent in praise
about River Saraswati, which was the lifeline of the versatile progress of
ancient northwest India.

But all the available
sources say that the river gradually dried up and lost its course in later time
and the civilization that flowered on its banks turned lackluster with its
industrious population migrating to elsewhere.
It is
natural that the one time industrious group who peopled the valley of Saraswati
quit this place and migrated to the Sindhu valley when they saw Saraswati
drying up. According to archaeologists around 1900 BC, signs of gradual decline
emerged. People started to leave the cities. Those who remained were poorly
nourished. Even fishes died out in Saraswati. The crucial factor may have been
the disappearance of substantial portions of the Ghaggar-Hakra river system.
Geology has it that a tectonic event had diverted the system's sources toward
the Ganges plane, though there is a little
uncertainity about the date of this event.
(Still the Gauda Saraswath
Brahmins of South India and the Saraswath Brahmins or Pundits of Kashmir have
their tradition according to which the both were the migrants from the SaraswathiValley who left its valley at the time
of the river’s disappearance owing to natural calamities.) The plate tectonics
had done away with the existing earth structure resulting in the hydro changes
of the area leading to aridity. A comparative study of the paleochannels of the
Sutlej and Yamuna as found in the imageries sent by the satellites and the
geological graphs, with their present courses would reveal that some
catastrophes like an earthquake resultant of plate-tectonics caused Sutlej to
take a westerly course to join the Sindhu, and Yamuna an easterly one to flow
into the Ganga. Consequently the main channels
now sparse of water, with no feeder channels, dried up in the dreary desert
sands.
This is supported by the Mahabharata, which mentions that
the Sarasvati river ends in a desert (modern day Rajasthan area)
(Vanaparvan,
LXXXII, CXXX, etc.)
What remained were only the Ghaggar, Chautang and
some insignificant channels, which could not help Saraswati and Drushadvati
flow with as much waters as in the time fed by Sutlej
and Yamuna.



Literary
sources like Panchavimsa Brahmana, Latyayana Srauta Sutra, Baudhayana
Dharmasutra, etc.,
state that Saraswati of later times had very little
water.
It may again be noticed that though the earlier hymns of
Rg Veda praise Sarasvati, the later hymns mention the river to be meandering
and sluggish, and praise the Sindhu river instead.
Saraswati dried up with its
fishes dieing and the occupants of its valley
leaving
the cities and
migrating to other places in search of safe settlements. Manu Smriti
says that Saraswati lost its flow and went underground at the place called
Vinasana which the scholars identify as somewhere at Kalibengan, one of the
major sites of Saraswati-Sindhu civilization.

vinasyati anthardadhati saraswati atreti vinasanam
. (Manu Smruti, II, 21)









The oral tradition that
Saraswati is vilupta or completely hidden at Prayag is thus testified
right by archaeological, geological, literary and other sources. According to
S. P. Gupta:








“It may also be noted that from Adi Badri in
the Sivaliks supposed to be the source of Saraswati, to the site of Bahar,
running past Kapalmochana, Bhagawanpura, Thanesar-Kurukshetra and Pehoa, the
river is still seasonably alive. At Bahar it meets the river Ghaggar. Its old
course, which is now seen running parallel to that of the Ghaggar, is still
visible on the ground in the form of a long and wide depression, some four to
five km. At the widest, called SottarValley … This old channel
runs through the districts of Jind, Hissar, and Srisa in Haryana until it meets
the modern Ghaggar near the Rajastan border. The old channel of Saraswati is
popularly known as Rangoi, Nai, Nadi, Hakra, Ban, Sarsuti, etc”. (S. P. Gupta, The
Indus-Saraswati Civilization
, pp. 13-14)
 
A possible natural reason of Saraswathi
civilization’s decline is connected with the climate change. In 2600 BC, the Saraswathi-SindhuValley was verdant, forested, and
teeming with wildlife. It was wetter, too; floods were a problem and appear, on
more than one occasion, to have overwhelmed certain settlements. As a result, Indus people supplemented their diet with hunting. By
1800 BC, the climate is known to have changed. It became significantly cooler
and drier. Besides, there was the problem of the recurring floods, and as
evident from the archaeological remains this compelled the inhabitants to erect
mudwalls and fortifications around their cities which some western historians
in their early stages of research have mistaken as the walls of defence against
the invading Aryans. In fact the recurring floods that submerged the layers of
construction forced the people to build new cities over the ruins of the old
which required the felling of the trees in abundance both for construction wood
as well as firewood for baking bricks. This certainly must have resulted in the
deforestation of the area, turning it arid and dry. Naturally the place slowly
turned sparse in vegitation and human habitation, and the Saraswati
civilization began to find new pastures on the bed of the River Indus to
continue as a living civilization in times to come.

Thus on the basis of all these findings
what may be assumed is that the earliest cradle of civilization of the
northwest India was the Saraswati Valley which accommodated most of sites of
what the historians have been calling the Indus Valley Civilization. Indus, as
famous as Saraswati in the time when Vedas were composed, compiled and
classified, was no less than any other river in caressing the cultural growth
of ancient India.
Nonetheless it was Saraswati that top-ranked. It was the Vedic civilization
that flourished on her valley, and it is from the Saraswati valley region that
archaeologists unearthed the relics of the civilization whose chronology goes
back, in some cases, to periods prior to 10,000 BC. Archaeological discoveries
from the Fatehbad district in Haryana gave valuable information about the
pre-Harappan civilization. The artifacts unearthed from Kunal on the Sraswati
bed are inordinately antique. These discoveries “have striking similarities
with the finds excavated so far in Pakistan and dated to the pre-Harappan
period” claimed the team of archaeologists including Dasarath Sing Malik, the
then Deputy Director of Haryana State Archaeology Department. The Carbon dating
exercise carried out by the University
of Pennsylvania dates
some of these artifacts to 3100 BC or before. Some of them belonged to the
period prior to 3500 BC. (Mukesh Bharadwaj, ‘A New Page From
History’,The Indian Express, Thiruvananthapuram, 3 March, 2002)
Ceramic Neolithic cultures flourished in these areas during 6000-5000 BC. There
were the Nagwad and Lotheswar cultures, which may be dated back to 5000 BC or
much earlier. There are also many more sites, which are dated back to periods
earlier than these.It is thus archaeologically proved that the north India
comprising the 2.5 million sq. Km. had more than 7000 years of cultural
heritage. Indeed it is in the light of these findings and developments that
many historians and archaeologists like B. B. Lal have concluded that it was
the people of Indus-SaraswatiValley who authored the
Vedas. And this is again supported by many facts and also similarities between
what have been so far written off as entirely different civilizations in race,
nature, religion and many other ways of life – Indus
and Vedic cultures.
 
1750302126557.webp
Reborn Saraswati sarovar
 

Sunday, December 13, 2009 | Email | Print |
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UPA now admits Saraswati existed

Rajesh Singh/Santanu Banerjee | New Delhi

Earlier, had refused to agree despite Govt agencies confirming existence of river


In a significant shift from its earlier stand that probes conducted so far showed no trace of the mythical river, the Union Government has recently admitted that scientists have discovered water channels indicating “beyond doubt” the existence of the “Vedic Saraswati.”

The Government’s fresh submission came in response to an unstarred question in Rajya Sabha on December 3 by Prakash Javadekar (BJP), who wanted to know whether satellite images had “established the underground track of Saraswati, and if so, why should the precious water resources not be exploited to meet growing demands.”

To this, the Union Water Resources Ministry quoted in writing the conclusion of a study jointly conducted by scientists of ISRO, Jodhpur and the Rajasthan Government’s Ground Water Department, published in the Journal of Indian Society of Remote Sensing. Besides other things, the authors had said that “clear signals of palaeo-channels on the satellite imagery in the form of a strong and powerful continuous drainage system in the North-West region and occurrence of archaeological sites of pre-Harappan, Harappan and post-Harappan ages beyond doubt indicate the existence of a mighty palaeo-drainage system of the Vedic Saraswati river in this region… The description and magnanimity of these channels also matches with the river Saraswati described in the Vedic literature.”

A leading educationist and currently chancellor of Jawaharlal Nehru University, Yash Pal, who had published in 1980 in his own words “a small paper on the existence of Saraswati river which attracted attention,” concurred with the view. “Surveys so far have brought out clearly the path the river had taken when in flow,” the national research professor told The Pioneer. He did a stint with ISRO (which has played a pivotal role in the probes so far) from 1973-1980 where he set up the Space Application Centre.

On whether the Union Government should assume a proactive role on the issue of reviving the river to tackle the water shortages, he said, “With advancement of technology more research should be conducted. The river was not lost yesterday; perhaps due to tectonic shifts it disappeared ten thousand years ago. We have to keep these issues in mind.”

All through its tenure until now, the UPA Government had denied the existence of the mystery river. Then Culture Minister Jaipal Reddy had told Parliament that excavations conducted so far at nine sites had not revealed any trace of the lost river Saraswati. He stated that the UPA Government had not extended the sanction for the project given by the NDA Government. Giving a progress report of the Saraswati River Heritage Project launched by the NDA Government, he had said that though the project report was prepared in September 2003 envisaging a cost of Rs 36.02 crore, it was later slashed to Rs 4.98 crore.

The Leftists, who commanded great influence over the first five years of the UPA regime, too, were dismissive of the evidences. Senior leaders even castigated probe agencies for ‘wasting’ time and money over the study of the mystery river. Three years ago, senior CPI(M) leader and Politburo member Sitaram Yechury slammed the ASI for its efforts.

A Parliamentary Standing Committee on Transport, Tourism and Culture, which he headed in 2006, said, “The ASI has deviated in its working and has failed in spearheading a scientific discipline of archaeology. A scientific institution like the ASI did not proceed correctly in this matter.”

These assertions had come despite mounting evidence of the river collected by central agencies such as Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), Geological Survey of India (GSI), Oil and Natural Gas Commission (ONGC), Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) and the Central Groundwater Authority (under the Water Resources Ministry). The Government had also failed to acknowledge expert opinion that the river’s revival could tackle the increasing water demands of more than 20 crore people in the North-West region of the country.

The first national impetus for research on Saraswati came during the NDA regime when the then Union Culture Minister Jagmohan in June 2002 announced excavations to trace the river’s course. He named a team of four experts - Baldeo Sahai of ISRO, Ahmedabad, archaeologist S Kalyan Raman, glaciologist Y K Puri and water consultant Madhav Chitle - for the task. But even earlier, States like Haryana had begun their study of the ‘underground river.’

Talking of the progress, SL Aggarwal, an official in Haryana Irrigation Department said, “Work on the 3.5 km stretch of river Saraswati between Jyotisar and Bibipur would be completed in one-and-a-half months and then we would be able to revive the ancient river and be able to use the water for irrigation purposes.” The Haryana Government recently sanctioned Rs 10.05 crore for the project of revival of the river, with the Oil and Natural Gas Commission carrying out geophysical and geoelectric surveys for drilling of wells in association with Kurukshetra University for exploratory purposes.

A non-government organisation (NGO), Saraswati Nadi Sodh Sansthan, has also been working for the revival of the ancient river through its entire track. Two seminars were held on this issue on October 22, 2008 and November 21, 2009 at Kurukshetra where representatives from ONGC, Geological Survey of India and Indian Space Research Organisation were invited.

Rajasthan too has been an active participant in the project. Some four decades ago the Archeological Survey of India (GSI) had conducted excavations at a village named Kalibanga in Srigananagar district of Rajasthan, unearthing a full- fledged township beneath a mound, locally called ‘Thed.’

The ASI researchers came to the conclusion that the sight belonged to the Harappan period. Subsequent studies revealed that this flourishing town was situated on the banks of the Saraswati which once flowed from this part of the Rajasthan desert.

About two decades ago, scientists at Central Arid Zone Research Institute (CAZRI) at Jodhpur launched a project to track down the traces. They concluded that the ancient channels were a dead river that could well be Saraswati. Interestingly, here, the ancient texts and the geographical history of the region were constant bases of reference of the studies.

Analyses of images earlier taken by the American satellite Landsat in the 1970’s clearly showed the presence of underground water in a definitive pattern in the Jaisalmer region. As part of the project, then, underground water researchers were asked to dig bore wells at places from where this lost river used to flow. They selected Chandan Lathi near Jaisalmer for this purpose.

To the surprise of researchers, the water found after digging the bore wells at places on the course of the river was not only sweet but available in plenty. Encouraged by this discovery, they dug two dozen bore well in the area, from where the river used to flow, and in all of them they found sweet water.

A few years later Dr Vakankar, a noted historian, as part his Itihas Sanklan Yojna, visited this and other sites linked with the river. Together with another expert Moropant Pingle, he concluded that the Saraswati used to flow from this part of Rajasthan, Sirsa in Haryana, Bhatinda in Punjab and Srigangangar district in Rajasthan.

With the Government indicating a shift in its position, it remains to be seen whether the research work by central agencies that had come to a near halt, will now resume.

-- With inputs from Lokpal Sethi in Jaipur and Nishu Mahajan in Chandigarh
 

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